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The Origins of a Free Press in Prerevolutionary ... - Web Publishing

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74<br />

us<strong>in</strong>g an additional six pages <strong>of</strong> the paper, and turn<strong>in</strong>g quite personal and<br />

venomous. Spotswood, <strong>in</strong> his reply, wrote to the pr<strong>in</strong>ter that, “I hope he [Speaker<br />

Randolph] will not fall out with you, and cut <strong>of</strong>f your Salary from the Assembly, if<br />

you carry back to him my Answer to his extraord<strong>in</strong>ary Epistle.” 43 Such an answer<br />

would seem to <strong>in</strong>dicate former governor Spotswood’s belief that the House <strong>of</strong><br />

Burgesses <strong>in</strong>fluenced the pr<strong>in</strong>ter and what he would publish. 44 It also demonstrates<br />

the importance <strong>of</strong> control over what could get <strong>in</strong>to the newspaper. Spotswood<br />

understood that the only way to spread his message widely was through the local<br />

gazette, and that constra<strong>in</strong>ts on the pr<strong>in</strong>ter might prevent him from be<strong>in</strong>g able to<br />

do that. <strong>The</strong> controversy cont<strong>in</strong>ued with letters <strong>in</strong> the newspapers even after<br />

Randolph passed away the next year. Burgess Edw<strong>in</strong> Conway had a letter pr<strong>in</strong>ted,<br />

which noted not only Spotswood’s mishandl<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the money, but his cont<strong>in</strong>ued<br />

disputes with the lower assembly while governor. 45 Both sides appeared to turn to<br />

pr<strong>in</strong>t to establish the legitimacy <strong>of</strong> their argument and to appeal to a wider group<br />

than simply the members <strong>of</strong> the government. While the discourse was limited to<br />

members <strong>of</strong> the rul<strong>in</strong>g elite, never actually open<strong>in</strong>g up to broad public participation,<br />

it was a remarkable early public air<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> a political dispute. That this would appear<br />

at all <strong>in</strong> the public pr<strong>in</strong>ts was unusual, as such arguments between elite members <strong>of</strong><br />

the political leadership rarely were published at this time. It demonstrated just how<br />

43 Alexander Spotswood, letter to pr<strong>in</strong>ter William Parks, 1736. Washburn Autograph<br />

Collection, vol. 22, p. 47, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston. Virg<strong>in</strong>ia Gazette (Dec. 17,<br />

1736), 1-3. Ibid., (Dec. 24, 1736), 1-3.<br />

44 Greene, Quest for Power, 289, suggests this was not actually the case, that the Governors<br />

had more control at this time than did the assembly. <strong>The</strong> Burgesses voted on the pr<strong>in</strong>ter’s salary,<br />

but the Governor and his Council needed to approve it as well. Greene also notes, <strong>in</strong> “ ‘Virtus et<br />

Libertas’,” <strong>in</strong> Crow, Southern Experience, 55-59, that dur<strong>in</strong>g and after Spotswood was a time <strong>of</strong><br />

political harmony <strong>in</strong> Virg<strong>in</strong>ia, with no factions and much cooperation between the governor and<br />

gentry. (Spotswood was <strong>of</strong> course technically the Lieutenant Governor, act<strong>in</strong>g as resident<br />

governor).<br />

45 Virg<strong>in</strong>ia Gazette (Parks, April 22, 1737).

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