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The Blackwell Companion to Medical Sociology

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<strong>Medical</strong> <strong>Sociology</strong> and Sociological <strong>The</strong>ory 13<br />

health, but nevertheless form a pattern of health practices that constitute a lifestyle.<br />

Although positive health lifestyles are intended <strong>to</strong> produce good health, the<br />

ultimate aim of such lifestyles is <strong>to</strong> be healthy in order <strong>to</strong> use (consume) it for<br />

something, such as the capability <strong>to</strong> work, feel and look good, participate in<br />

sports and leisure activities, and enjoy life (d'Houtaud and Field 1984). Health<br />

lifestyles originated in the upper middle-class, yet have the potential <strong>to</strong> spread<br />

across class boundaries in varyingdegrees of quality (Cockerham et al. 1988).<br />

While Weber did not consider the health aspects of lifestyles, his concepts allow us<br />

<strong>to</strong> view them as (1) associated with status groups and principally a collective, rather<br />

than individual, phenomenon; (2) patterns of consumption, not production; and<br />

(3) formed by the dialectical interplay between choices and chances.<br />

<strong>The</strong>ory heory in the Twenty-first<br />

wenty-first Century entury<br />

<strong>The</strong> twentieth century ended with massive social changes causing both sociology<br />

and medical sociology <strong>to</strong> adjust <strong>to</strong> new realities and forge new theoretical<br />

orientations, as well as adapt older ones <strong>to</strong> account for the changes. As Bernice<br />

Pescosolido and Jennie Kronenfeld (1995: 9) explain:<br />

We stand at a transition between social forms. <strong>The</strong> society that created the opportunity<br />

for the rise of a dominant profession of medicine, for a new discipline of<br />

sociology, and for a spinoff of the subfield of medical sociology, is undergoing<br />

major change. As the larger social system unravels in the face of rapid social<br />

change, established problems, solutions, and understandings are challenged<br />

because they do not as successfully confront current realities.<br />

It is clear that the breakup of the industrial age is occurring and, as Ulrich Beck<br />

(1992) explains, a ``new modernity'' is emerging. ``Just as modernization dissolved<br />

the structure of feudal society in the nineteenth century and produced<br />

the industrial society,'' states Beck (1992: 10), ``modernization <strong>to</strong>day is dissolvingindustrial<br />

society and another modernity is comingin<strong>to</strong> being.'' With the<br />

twenty-first century at hand, we have already witnessed the collapse of communism<br />

in the former Soviet Union and eastern Europe, the multiculturalization<br />

of Europe and North America, the rise of cultural and sexual politics, changing<br />

patterns of social stratification, the increasingimportance of information as an<br />

economic commodity, and the dominance of the service sec<strong>to</strong>r in the global<br />

economy. Changing social circumstances have resulted in new theoretical<br />

approaches in medical sociology which will be reviewed in this section: poststructuralism,<br />

postmodernism, the work of Pierre Bourdieu, and critical realism.<br />

Poststructuralism<br />

oststructuralism: :Foucault, Foucault,<br />

the <strong>Sociology</strong> ociology of the<br />

Body, ody, and Feminist eminist <strong>The</strong>ory heory<br />

Poststructualism emerged out of a short-lived structuralist perspective that was<br />

popular in France in the 1960s. Structuralism has its roots in linguistics, most

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