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The Blackwell Companion to Medical Sociology

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<strong>The</strong> Russian Health Care Experiment 323<br />

(Rimachevskaya 1998). ``As a result the upcominggeneration with poor health<br />

couldn't reproduce a healthy new generation . . . This might be explained by the<br />

drastic worseningof children's health, and particularly newborn's health''<br />

(Rimachevskaya 1997).<br />

Sociological<br />

ociological Accounts ccounts of Health ealth Evaluation valuation<br />

Health as a Value and Real Behavior<br />

At the beginning of the 1990s a number of research projects were begun by<br />

sociologists. Among them were studies of social adaptation by the handicapped<br />

(Ellansky and Peshkov 1995); families of children with chronic diseases (Silaste<br />

1997; Smirnova 1997); doc<strong>to</strong>rs' research and their values (Lavrikova 1999), the<br />

transition of the health care system (Kucherenko 1995; Malachova 1995; Boikov<br />

1999) and others. Some projects had a unique character, like one study of the<br />

health and livingconditions of the population persecuted by Nazis duringWorld<br />

War II in the former Soviet Union (Knazev 1996).<br />

It is hard <strong>to</strong> find comprehensive research on health and health behavior in the<br />

former Soviet Union, because sociologists were limited by Marxist±Leninist<br />

theory that dominated Soviet society. In a representative research of Soviet<br />

citizens' lifestyle, a majority of the respondents (87%) put a priority on ``health,''<br />

choosingit from among16 main values (such as talent, education, and money)<br />

important for the achievement of the success in life (Shilova 1989). <strong>The</strong>re were,<br />

however, a number of inconsistencies between a person's declared value of health<br />

and actual behavior.<br />

Evidence supportingthis fact is seen in the data. For example, in Nizniy<br />

Novgorod, only 16 percent of the students <strong>to</strong>ok meals regularly (3 times per<br />

day). Most of them (40%) didn't seek physicians in case of illness. In Moscow,<br />

only 28 percent of respondents said they followed their physician's prescriptions.<br />

Others (24%) undergo their own medical treatment and continue <strong>to</strong> work in<br />

case of disease (28%) (Aktualnie medico-sozialnie aspecti propagandi zdorovogo<br />

obraza zhizni 1986). Research from 1987 in Kamchatskaya oblast has<br />

demonstrated that three-fourths of Russians recognized the importance of physical<br />

exercise for people of their age, but in fact less than 40 percent exercise.<br />

Half of the respondents realized the harm in smokingand drinking, but less than<br />

one-third s<strong>to</strong>pped these behaviors (Adametz 1990). Visitinga general practitioner<br />

if required is one of the indica<strong>to</strong>rs of self-protective behavior. However, 60<br />

percent of respondents see a general practitioner only if they need a document<br />

confirmingtheir illness for their employer (Shilova 1999).<br />

Since the introduction of the free market economy in Russia, attitudes<br />

<strong>to</strong>ward work have changed. As a result of restricted work opportunities,<br />

people place a higher priority on work and less on health. Fewer people in<br />

all age groups have been <strong>to</strong> a hospital or stay home because of illness than<br />

in past years (Nazarova 1998). This situation may possibly be due <strong>to</strong> high<br />

competition in the labor market and fear of unemployment, even in the case of<br />

illness.

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