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pensions retracted to normal levels (i.e. around 15% of all new<br />

pensions in 2000, against 30% in 1989).<br />

Along with disability and health problems, unemployment may<br />

constitute another pathway leading to effective retirement and<br />

eventual withdrawal from the labour market. According to Table 2,<br />

once unemployed, the chances of finding another job, diminish with<br />

age. In 1998, only 15,10% of men aged 50-54, unemployed a year<br />

before, had found a job in the succeeding year, compared with<br />

24.52% which is the estimated average for all age cohorts (15+).<br />

Of the remaining population, some 78.80% remained unemployed<br />

and 6.10% passed into inactivity. <strong>The</strong> proportion of the<br />

unemployed, one year before drifting into inactivity in the<br />

succeeding year, increases with age. For men, it rises from just under<br />

10% for the 55-59 age group, to 14.03% for the 60-64 age cohort.<br />

Similarly, the equivalent proportion for women rises from 2.49% for<br />

the 50-54 age group to 10.28% in the next age group and, finally, to<br />

19.25% for those in the last age bracket (60-64 years of age).<br />

In relation to the scale of the demographic ageing problem, very<br />

little has been done so far to address the issue. Most of the training<br />

and employment programmes benefiting older workers are designed<br />

to benefit a broader age group (45-64 years of age). This is the case<br />

of the integrated programmes for unemployed persons, which<br />

include actions for pre-training, vocational training, job-search<br />

assistance and accompanying support services (NAP 2002). Older<br />

workers can also benefit from the various in-house training schemes<br />

offered to workers of private firms. <strong>The</strong> only scheme currently in<br />

operation, targeting older workers exclusively, is a wage subsidy<br />

scheme financed by the Social Partners Fund, LAEK (Account for<br />

Employment and Vocational Training). Under this scheme,<br />

enterprises of the private and the broader public sector are<br />

subsidised, in order to employ unemployed persons who are close to<br />

retirement age (i.e., five years short of retirement). <strong>The</strong> period of<br />

subsidy ranges from 1 to 60 months and the amount of subsidy for<br />

each day of full employment is 17.61 euro for the first 24 months<br />

and 20.54 euro for the next 36 months. For part-timers, the subsidy<br />

is set at 10.27 euro and 11.74 euro, accordingly. It should be noted<br />

that none of the above measures has been evaluated recently and<br />

hence their impact upon older workers employment rates remain to<br />

a large extent, unknown.<br />

<strong>The</strong> reasons behind the apparent lack of interest on problems<br />

associated with ageing may be attributed to the existence of ample<br />

possibilities for early retirement and also to the low unemployment<br />

rate facing older workers. Early retirement by large numbers has<br />

prevented the problem of an ageing workforce from coming to the<br />

forefront. Besides, partly because of the high compensation<br />

requirements for salaried employees with many years of service,<br />

dismissal of older workers is not as frequent as in other EU Member<br />

States, a fact contributing to low unemployment rates among older<br />

workers12 .<br />

4. Concluding remarks<br />

Demographic ageing, due to a fall in fertility and a fall in mortality,<br />

appears to affect Greece to a larger extent than most other EU<br />

Member States. Taking 2000 as a base year, the old-age dependency<br />

ratio (i.e. population aged 65 and over as a percentage of the<br />

working-age population, 15-64) is estimated at 25.6 and is projected<br />

to climb to 29.2 by 2010. In comparison, the equivalent estimates for<br />

EU-15 are 24 and 27, respectively. Greece is one of the three<br />

Member States (the others being Italy and Germany), which are<br />

12 See: Trends, No 33, Winter 1999.<br />

Spring 2003 | European Employment Observatory Review 105<br />

Trends<br />

expected to have an old-age dependency ratio of almost 30% by<br />

2010.<br />

Rapid demographic ageing has raised concerns on the viability of<br />

the pension system and has brought to the forefront the need to<br />

cater for the elderly to a greater extent than in the past. Fears are<br />

often expressed that, unless the previously pursued policy of<br />

fostering early retirement is reversed, it will be hard to maintain<br />

sustainability. As a policy, early retirement was popular in the 1980s<br />

and 1990s, when it was viewed as a means of paving the way for the<br />

younger generations. This situation resulted in great numbers of<br />

healthy, prematurely retired workers, many of whom continued<br />

working in the informal sector of the economy. Although, in theory,<br />

employment of the retired workers in the formal sector of the<br />

economy is not prohibited by law, in practice the various insurance<br />

funds impose restrictions, severely limiting incentives to do so.<br />

Fears and concerns about the demographic situation are commonly<br />

acknowledged and frequently mentioned in both academic and<br />

political discussions in Greece. Yet, at the moment, there appears to<br />

be no consensus among the dominant socio-political actors on<br />

appropriate political initiatives and, as a result, no concrete<br />

measures aimed at addressing the issue have been taken so far. <strong>The</strong><br />

formulation and implementation of an active ageing policy is<br />

restricted by a variety of factors, including the following:<br />

First, an attempt to raise the participation rates of older people<br />

makes sense only if employment opportunities exist and the net job<br />

growth rate is substantial. Greece’s net job growth rate over the 90s,<br />

however, was modest and this in spite of the strong output growth<br />

rates which prevailed during the latter half of the same period. In<br />

2001, the overall employment rate was estimated at 55.4 (one of the<br />

lowest in EU, 14.6 percentage points below the target set at the<br />

Lisbon Council), having grown by a mere 0.5% annually during the<br />

last five years.<br />

Second, without substantial net job growth, increased employment<br />

among older workers, is bound to cause some substitution with the<br />

young. In 1999, Greece exhibited the highest youth unemployment<br />

rate in the EU (31.6% in comparison with 17.9% which was the<br />

average for EU-15).<br />

Third, the sectoral and occupational structure of older workers in<br />

Greece imply that it is difficult to apply a uniform policy for<br />

retaining older workers in employment. Around half of the older<br />

workers work in agriculture, either as self employed or as unpaid<br />

family workers. It should be borne in mind that the EU’s CAP<br />

currently favours early retirement. Of the remaining older people<br />

still in employment, a sizeable part works in traditional and<br />

declining sectors (e.g. traditional manufacturing), as manual<br />

workers and technicians in physically demanding jobs.<br />

To counterbalance these features, prejudice and discrimination, low<br />

employment among the elderly and weak re-employment of ageing<br />

workers are perhaps less acute problems in the Greek context, for a<br />

number of reasons. First, the household in Greece has retained a lot<br />

of its traditional functions, acting as a safety net for older people.<br />

This is manifested in the number of older people living alone, which<br />

is smaller in Greece compared to other EU countries. Second,<br />

Greece (together with Portugal and Ireland) exhibit the highest<br />

employment rates for male workers aged 55 or above. <strong>The</strong> absolute<br />

majority of males aged 55-64 years (55%) were still in employment<br />

in Greece (1999), compared to 47% in EU-15. Third, the setting and<br />

specific features of the labour market in Greece (notably the large<br />

share of self-employment), favour the continuation of employment,

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