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Privacy and Injunctions - Evidence - Parliament

Privacy and Injunctions - Evidence - Parliament

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David Price QC, Gavin Millar QC, Gillian Phillips, solicitor, Director of Editorial Legal<br />

Services ,The Guardian, <strong>and</strong> Reynolds Porter Chamberlain—Oral evidence (QQ 33–64)<br />

<strong>and</strong> if every time we lapse we will get clobbered maybe that is not an incentive to go into<br />

public life. My opinion is that we are better served by freedom of expression <strong>and</strong> minimum<br />

restrictions, even if that means that from time to time people will suffer. I think it is the best<br />

safeguard we have for the abuse of power, <strong>and</strong> it is a way for people to let off steam. I am<br />

afraid I am with Paul Dacre on someone letting off some steam after 10 hours’ work in a<br />

Sunderl<strong>and</strong> call centre. Sometimes it is grubby but it is just human exchange; it is what<br />

people want to communicate <strong>and</strong> read. We also have libel laws that hopefully protect<br />

against publishing false information. With privacy, what we are dealing with is true<br />

information that is to the discredit of a person, not false information.<br />

Q839 Lord Hollick: You have all expressed important reservations about the<br />

difficulty of striking the right balance between these two principles. I think the strong<br />

message that comes across is that you feel it is far too much in favour of privacy. Short of<br />

repealing the legislation, which is what Mr Price would like to do, <strong>and</strong> going back to “publish<br />

<strong>and</strong> be damned”, what measures can we take? I entirely take your point that there is a<br />

moral dimension to this, but the reality is that it ends up in the legal system. Therefore, as<br />

we struggle to reconcile these matters, what recommendations do you think we should<br />

consider, both legislative <strong>and</strong> procedural—for instance, spelling out more clearly what the<br />

public interest might be—to try to redress the balance that you believe has gone too far in<br />

favour of privacy?<br />

Keith Mathieson: One thing you could do would be to introduce a test of<br />

seriousness <strong>and</strong> substantiality into the issue of whether there is a prima facie case of privacy<br />

infringement. At the moment, even very trivial, in my opinion, infringements of personal<br />

privacy are actionable. A couple of other members of the panel have mentioned this. For<br />

example, where the choice of somebody’s flowers at their wedding has been revealed by the<br />

press it is likely to be considered an infringement of their private life. That does not seem to<br />

me to be the kind of thing that the courts <strong>and</strong> the law of privacy should be troubling<br />

themselves with, but at the moment they have to. I do not know how you deal with the<br />

public interest. That really comes in more at the threshold expectation of privacy stage than<br />

the balancing exercise between privacy <strong>and</strong> public interest. I think it is very difficult to<br />

legislate for that. You will always be dependent on judges making their assessments on the<br />

particular facts of the case, but at least getting rid of trivial cases, as the Joint Committee on<br />

the Draft Defamation Bill is thinking of doing in relation to trivial libels, would perhaps be a<br />

starting point.<br />

Gavin Millar: I repeat that I think the test for a prior restraint injunction should be<br />

higher <strong>and</strong> that can be done consistently with Strasbourg case law, provided other adequate<br />

remedies are given to people after publication to complain that their privacy has been<br />

infringed. That is very important. It is terribly difficult for <strong>Parliament</strong> to find a way to say to<br />

judges they should adopt a broader notion of what is a debate in the public interest, but I<br />

think it would be worth a try, perhaps by framing a clause setting out some factors that<br />

should be taken into account in favour of freedom of expression <strong>and</strong> the public interest that<br />

are not dealt with in the cases at the moment. I would have thought that one of them is the<br />

extent to which that person profits from their own image.<br />

I think that could be done, provided it is not prescriptive <strong>and</strong> is done subtly in a<br />

statutory provision indicating the sort of factors that ought to be considered in assessing the<br />

public interest. It would at least enable defence lawyers to argue all the possible points <strong>and</strong><br />

in that way maybe broaden the judge’s underst<strong>and</strong>ing of what is a debate in the public<br />

997

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