morphological? - KOPS - Universität Konstanz
morphological? - KOPS - Universität Konstanz
morphological? - KOPS - Universität Konstanz
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4.2.5 Outline of an analysis based on Grimshaw (2005 [1991])<br />
• The Spanish infintive is both [+ verbal] and [+ nominal]<br />
• It may be inserted into V or into N<br />
• Hence, it can occur in all syntactic positions in which a noun can occur and in all positions<br />
in which a verb can occur.<br />
How to explain that a VP containing an infinitive can be the complement of a determiner?<br />
Assumption 1<br />
• Lexical categorial features are not just conditions on insertion<br />
• Rather, lexical heads are inserted with their categorial features; features percolate to<br />
the maximal projection<br />
Note<br />
I take the feature [+nominal, +verbal] to be associated with the infinitive; but one could also<br />
think of them as being associated with the infinitival affix -r.<br />
Assumption 2<br />
• The determiner takes a complement that is specified as [+ nominal] (but it need not be<br />
an NP)<br />
• The determiner forms an extended projection with its nominal complement. Therefore,<br />
it can look into the feature specifications of its complement.<br />
• A determiner may thus combine with a VP containing an infinitive, because this VP is<br />
specified as [+ nominal].<br />
Why is French different?<br />
French<br />
• The French infinitive is [+ verbal, -nominal]<br />
• Therefore, it cannot be inserted into N<br />
In French, there is no possibility of generating nominal constructions headed by an infinitive.<br />
But<br />
• some infinitives have been lexicalized as [+nominal, -verbal]<br />
(62) le souvenir 'remebrance, le diner 'dinner', etc.<br />
What about example (62), L'espace requiert l'habiter?<br />
• Infinitives of the type exemplified in (62) are verbs that are converted to nouns, cf.<br />
(63) [cf. Kerleroux 1990 for a critical discussion of a similar proposal]<br />
(63) "L'espace requiert l'habiter."<br />
(64) [ [habiter]V ]N<br />
• Since they have no derivational (or inflectional) affix, they cannot have argument<br />
structure (cf. Grimshaw 1990: 65-67).<br />
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