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L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion across Word Boundaries: Phonology or Morphology? Lexical Entries Morphological Specifications % Fnc Fnc Type Definite/ Proximity/ Number Gender % % Indefinite Distance Corpus Exp. Study Lo Det Def - - - 100% 100% La Det Def - - Fem 100% 100% Gli Det Def - Plur - 4% 0% Le Det Def - Plur Fem 9% 2% Uno Det Indef - - - 100% 100% Una Det Indef - - Fem 97% 99% Questo Det Def Prox - - 80% 87% Questa Det Def Prox - Fem 67% 83% Questi Det Def Prox Plur - 9% 5% Queste Det Def Prox Plur Fem 20% 5% Quello Det Def Dist - - 99% 100% Quella Det Def Dist - Fem 94% 100% Quegli Det Def Dist Plur - 35% 0% Quelle Det Def Dist Plur Fem 20% 1% Table 18: Lexical Entries, Morphological Specifications and Deletion Rates of determiners V1. Lexical Entries Morphological Specifications % Fnc Fnc Type Number Gender Corpus Exp. Study Dello Inf. Prep.. Della Inf. Prep. Degli Inf. Prep. Delle Inf. Prep. - - Plur Plur - Fem - Fem 100% 97% 1% 2% 100% 97% 0% 1% Table 19: Lexical Entries, Morphological Specifications and Deletion Rates of inflected prepositions V1. Lexical Entries Morphological Specifications % Corpus % Experimental Study Fnc Fnc Type Case Person Number Gender Fnc Lex Fnc Fnc Lex Fnc Lex Fnc Fnc Lex Lo Pron - - - - 51% 96% 0% 74% La Pron - - - Fem 76% 100% 3% 93% Li Pron - - Plur - 14% 38% 0% 7% Le Pron - - Plur Fem 0% -- 4% 15% Glielo Pron - - - - -- 85% 7% 71% Gliela Pron - - - Fem -- 100% 17% 81% Glieli Pron - - Plur. - -- 60% 33% 60% Gliele Pron - - Plur. Fem -- -- 19% 73% Mi Pron - - - - 52% 66% 5% -- Ci Pron - - - - 20% 30% 10% -- Gli Pron - - - - 28% 24% 0% / Le Pron - - - - 0% -- 0% / Table 20: Lexical Entries, Morphological Specifications and Deletion Rates of pronouns V1. !" I assume that the Morphology contains the Hierarchy of the Morphological Features in (29) xvii : (29) Case > Person > Number > Gender CASE features dominate (e.g., are ranked higher than) PERSON features, PERSON features dominate NUMBER features and NUMBER features dominate GENDER features. The latter do not seem to affect VD. 7.2.1 Determiners and Inflected Prepositions !" V1 underspecified for the number feature, i.e. /a, o/, are regularly elided before vowel-initial nouns (no matter if the noun begins with a/an stressed/unstressed V2). !" V1 specified for the number feature, i.e. /i, e/, tend to refuse VD nearly categorically (no matter if the noun begins with a/an stressed/unstressed V2). 71
L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion across Word Boundaries: Phonology or Morphology? (M) I propose that a) the full forms as well as the elided allomorphs of Italian singular determiners are listed in the Mental Lexicon. Once the noun has been selected (or constructed online) in the Lexicon, the phonological form of this one will determine the selection of the full form of the determiner (before C-initial nouns) or of the elided allomorph (before V-initial nouns) which will precede it. (VD applies in the Mental Lexicon). b) Only the full forms of plural determiners are listed in the Mental Lexicon. Once the noun which follows a plural determiner has been selected (or constructed online) in the Lexicon, the phonological form of this one will play no role for the selection of the Fnc (VD can seldom apply during the Postlexical Phonology/Morphology interface, see 9.3). 7.2.2. Pronouns !" V1 underspecified for the CASE and NUMBER features, i.e. /a, o/ belonging to lo/a and glielo/a, tend to undergo VD very frequently (but not regularly) provided that the morphological features they realize are recoverable from the neighbouring context, i.e. when they are followed by the auxiliary verb avere plus the past participle of a lexical verb. !" V1 underspecified for the CASE feature but specified for NUMBER feature, i.e. /i, e/ belonging to li/e and glieli/e, can undergo VD optionally but not frequently when they are followed by the the auxiliary verb avere plus the past participle of a lexical verb. !" V1 morphologically entirely underspecified, i.e. /i, e/ belonging to gli/le (whose consonantal heads are specified for the CASE feature) tend to refuse VD nearly categorically (only gli is affected by some variation across speakers). Moreover, -/i/ belonging to mi/ci (whose consonantal heads are specified for the PERSON feature) can undergo VD optionally but not frequently (see 6.3.2.1). (N) I propose that only the full forms of pronouns are listed in the Mental Lexicon. However, V1 of pronouns are likely to undergo VD only during the Postlexical Phonology/Morphology Interface, only under the condition that the morphological specifications realized by V1 are recoverable from the context and that we are dealing with high-frequency pronouns, (see 7.1). 7.3. The Metrical and Rhythmic Structure !" The data coming from the experimental study in Florence highlight that the metrical and rhythmic structure play a role with regards to VD, especially when lo/a/i/e, glielo/a/i/e and mi/ci are followed by lexical verbs. !" V1 of these pronouns can undergo VD optionally, mostly when they are followed by lexical verbs beginning with an unstressed V2 (VD = 14% for lo/a/i/e, glielo/a/i/e and 12% for mi/ci) or with a V2 which bears secondary stress (VD = 13% for lo/a/i/e, glielo/a/i/e and 10% for mi/ci), see (30)-(31) and Tables 7-8, 15-16: (x) (x) L L H L H $ $ $ $ $ $ $ (30) Lo elénco ! Lo/L’elénco loV1. eV2. len. co ! leV2. len. co ‘I list it (m.)’ ( x) ( x) (x . ) (x) (x . ) (x) L L L H L L H $ $ $ $ $ $ $ $ $ (31) Lo ìmitávo ! Lo/L ìmitávo lo V1. i V2. mi. ta:. vo ! li V2. mi. ta:. vo ‘I imitate it (m.)/him’ 72
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Aditi Lahiri, Judith Meinschaefer,
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Contents Acquaviva, Paolo (Dublin/K
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Inflectional morphology as lexeme f
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Why nouns? Why plural? Inflectional
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Metaphony in two Southern Italian d
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3 12
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Metaphony (in general) Raising and/
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Issue Is metaphony phonological? P
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Characteristics of the chosen diale
Page 23 and 24: Previous research Phonologcial asp
Page 25 and 26: Piedimonte Matese (Campania) 13 22
Page 27 and 28: verbs total Lexical category nouns
Page 29 and 30: Examples Piedimonte Matese: Nouns &
Page 31 and 32: Gender Number Gender/ Number Morpho
Page 33 and 34: Phonological Model Lahiri & Reetz (
Page 35 and 36: Inventory of vowels (Piedimonte M.)
Page 37 and 38: 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL Overview of
Page 39 and 40: Hypotheses for the absence of metap
Page 41 and 42: 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL Piedimonte
Page 43 and 44: Morphological analysis for metaphon
Page 45 and 46: Exceptions Asymmetric specification
Page 47 and 48: Exceptions All exceptions that are
Page 49 and 50: Paradigmatic distribution of stems
Page 51 and 52: Evidence from derivation (word-form
Page 53 and 54: M-Type 2 Not the lexicalized metap
Page 55 and 56: Cutrofiano (Salento - Puglia) 43 52
Page 57 and 58: System of stressed vowels and metap
Page 59 and 60: Examples (Garrapa, 2004; Gaglia, in
Page 61 and 62: Evidence from derivation (word-form
Page 63 and 64: Conclusions Different conditions f
Page 65 and 66: L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion
Page 73: L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion
Page 89 and 90: (4) C’est la combientième inonda
Page 91 and 92: (15) a [[deux —] NP [ou [trois
Page 93 and 94: Mismatches between morphological an
Page 95 and 96: Martin Maiden, University of Oxford
Page 97 and 98: 3.1.5. The distribution of -tu beco
Page 99 and 100: i. They are distinctively identifia
Page 101 and 102: 1 st . conj. 3 rd conj. Infinitive
Page 103 and 104: References Aronoff, Mark. 1994. Mor
Page 105 and 106: Nominal infinitives (and deverbal n
Page 107 and 108: For the sake of simplicity, I start
Page 109 and 110: Other verb classes • Unaccusative
Page 111 and 112: • Atelic transitive verbs (37) lo
Page 113 and 114: • The sharp decrease of frequency
Page 115 and 116: • Infinitives preceded by a deter
Page 117 and 118: 4.2.2 Lexical category change in sy
Page 119 and 120: 5 Conclusion Is this of any relevan
Page 121 and 122: Fabio Montermini CLLE - ERSS CNRS &
Page 123 and 124: amí[t]i ‘friends’ gré[t]i ‘
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stress on the penult, if there is o
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(13) limóne ‘lemon’ farína
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In all the cases of (18) the obliga
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P 71 50 47 30 16 13 9 9 8
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The features which are under evalua
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Lignon S., Plénat M. (to appear),
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form that preserves the most distin
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Press. Bybee, J. and Slobin, D. (19
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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Interim conclusion: F. Plank (frans
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Same conclusion: F. Plank (frans.pl
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On the context-sensitivity of Spani
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(5) The grammar model (Pomino 2005)
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(11) a. At MS [morphological struct
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(17) Stress algorithm (Oltra Massue
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(24) a. cant-a-mos [1pl], [S EQUALS
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(34) Inward Sensitivity √/kant/ [
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d. Strong preterite forms (P4) 1sg
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(53) b. anduvimos Syntax √/and/ v
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(59) c. dijo Syntax √/de-/+α Mor
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Christoph Schwarze & Christine Kasc
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The second and the third category w
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Evidence for the recognition of the
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with which they normally do not occ
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a. ["jO…gurt] yogurt b. ["bjanko]
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• Lexical /i/ appeared as [i] in
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