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Examples Piedimonte Matese: Nouns & Adjectives c. ["tOsta] ["tostu] \O\ → [o] \"tOsta\ \"tOstu\ F.SG M.SG hard hard d. ["rossa] ["russu] \o\ → [u] \"rossa\ \"rossu\ F.SG M.SG red red 18 27
Gender Number Gender/ Number Morphological alternations: nouns F.SG ["v”kkja] - - F.PL ["v”kkje] - ["re…te] M.SG ["vekkju] ["me…se] ["ri…tu] M.PL ["vekkji] ["mi…si] - 19 28
Page 1 and 2: Aditi Lahiri, Judith Meinschaefer,
Page 3 and 4: Contents Acquaviva, Paolo (Dublin/K
Page 5 and 6: Inflectional morphology as lexeme f
Page 7 and 8: Why nouns? Why plural? Inflectional
Page 13 and 14: Metaphony in two Southern Italian d
Page 15 and 16: 3 12
Page 17 and 18: Metaphony (in general) Raising and/
Page 19 and 20: Issue Is metaphony phonological? P
Page 21 and 22: Characteristics of the chosen diale
Page 23 and 24: Previous research Phonologcial asp
Page 25 and 26: Piedimonte Matese (Campania) 13 22
Page 27 and 28: verbs total Lexical category nouns
Page 29: Examples Piedimonte Matese: Nouns &
Page 33 and 34: Phonological Model Lahiri & Reetz (
Page 35 and 36: Inventory of vowels (Piedimonte M.)
Page 37 and 38: 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL Overview of
Page 39 and 40: Hypotheses for the absence of metap
Page 41 and 42: 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL Piedimonte
Page 43 and 44: Morphological analysis for metaphon
Page 45 and 46: Exceptions Asymmetric specification
Page 47 and 48: Exceptions All exceptions that are
Page 49 and 50: Paradigmatic distribution of stems
Page 51 and 52: Evidence from derivation (word-form
Page 53 and 54: M-Type 2 Not the lexicalized metap
Page 55 and 56: Cutrofiano (Salento - Puglia) 43 52
Page 57 and 58: System of stressed vowels and metap
Page 59 and 60: Examples (Garrapa, 2004; Gaglia, in
Page 61 and 62: Evidence from derivation (word-form
Page 63 and 64: Conclusions Different conditions f
Page 65 and 66: L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion
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L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion
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(4) C’est la combientième inonda
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(15) a [[deux —] NP [ou [trois
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Mismatches between morphological an
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Martin Maiden, University of Oxford
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3.1.5. The distribution of -tu beco
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i. They are distinctively identifia
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1 st . conj. 3 rd conj. Infinitive
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References Aronoff, Mark. 1994. Mor
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Nominal infinitives (and deverbal n
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For the sake of simplicity, I start
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Other verb classes • Unaccusative
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• Atelic transitive verbs (37) lo
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• The sharp decrease of frequency
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• Infinitives preceded by a deter
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4.2.2 Lexical category change in sy
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5 Conclusion Is this of any relevan
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Fabio Montermini CLLE - ERSS CNRS &
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amí[t]i ‘friends’ gré[t]i ‘
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stress on the penult, if there is o
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(13) limóne ‘lemon’ farína
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In all the cases of (18) the obliga
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P 71 50 47 30 16 13 9 9 8
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The features which are under evalua
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Lignon S., Plénat M. (to appear),
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form that preserves the most distin
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Press. Bybee, J. and Slobin, D. (19
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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Interim conclusion: F. Plank (frans
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Same conclusion: F. Plank (frans.pl
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On the context-sensitivity of Spani
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(5) The grammar model (Pomino 2005)
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(11) a. At MS [morphological struct
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(17) Stress algorithm (Oltra Massue
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(24) a. cant-a-mos [1pl], [S EQUALS
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(34) Inward Sensitivity √/kant/ [
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d. Strong preterite forms (P4) 1sg
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(53) b. anduvimos Syntax √/and/ v
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(59) c. dijo Syntax √/de-/+α Mor
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Christoph Schwarze & Christine Kasc
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The second and the third category w
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Evidence for the recognition of the
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with which they normally do not occ
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a. ["jO…gurt] yogurt b. ["bjanko]
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• Lexical /i/ appeared as [i] in
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