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L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion across Word Boundaries: Phonology or Morphology? !"Only a subset of pronouns (lo/a/i/e, glielo/a/i/e, Fnc) are followed by the auxiliary verb avere ‘to have’ (Fnc), plus the past participle of a lexical verb (Lex), see (7): (7) lo/ li ha/aveva dato/i ! l’/lo ha/aveva dato, l’/li ha/aveva dati, etc. ‘S/he has/had given it/them (m.)’ la/ le ho/aveva persa/e ! l’/la ho/avevo persa, l’/le ha /aveva perse, etc. ‘S/he has/has lost it/them (f.)’ !"Each Fnc is followed by 4 Lex beginning with unstressed V2, 4 Lex beginning with V2 which bears secondary stress and 4 Lex beginning with V2 which bears primary stress, see (8)-(10): (8) lo amáva, mi elénca, della icóna, una olíva, etc. ‘She loved him, S/he lists sth. to me, of the (f.s.) icon, an (f.s.) olive’ (9) lo èvitáva, mi òbiettáva, della òperáia, una èsigénza, etc. ‘S/he avoids him, S/he objectes sth. to me, of the female worker, an (f.s.) exigence’ (10) lo úsano, mi évita, della ísola, una ísola, etc. ‘They use it (m.), S/he avoids me (m./f.), of the (f.) isle, an (f.) isle’ !"These data were analyzed using descriptive statistics (adopting the following measures of dispersion: M mean, SD standard deviation, CV coefficient of variation, SV the smallest value, LV the largest value, R range) and nonparametric Chi-Square test (#²), to asses whether they are statistically significant (cf. Davis 1990 e Azzellino & Marcotti 2004). The descriptive statistical analysis as well as the Chi-Square test were performed with SPSS 15.0 for Windows. 4. Overview of the Results !" The comparison between the data coming from the C-ORAL-ROM Italian corpus and those I elicited in Florence is presented in Table 2: C-ORAL-ROM Italian Experimental Study - Measures of dispersion Tipe of Fnc Occ. in elided form/ % Occ. in elided form/ % M SD CV SV LV R overall occurrences overall occurrences Determiners 2707/2867 94% 608/1106 55% 101 4 17 96 106 10 Pronouns 825/1197 69% 339/1719 20% 38 23 535 8 74 66 Infl. Preposit. 1152/1560 74% 144/283 51% 24 1 0 23 25 2 Total 4684/5654 83% 1091/3108 35% 176 18 340 155 204 49 Table 2: Occurrences of VD in the corpus data compared to the occurrences of VD in the data elicited in Florence (#² = 401.16, p < 0.001 for the latter) (A) The data presented in Table 2 show that: !" the speakers of the corpus apply VD more frequently (83%) than the Florentine informants (35%); !" V1 of determiners and inflected prepositions undergo VD more frequently than V1 of pronouns; !" the frequency of application of VD to V1 of pronouns is sensitive to variation within speakers and across speakers. 5. VD applying to DETERMINERS and INFLECTED PREPOSITIONS final vowels 5.1 SINGULAR Determiners and Inflected Prepositions The data concerning the application of VD to singular (masculine + feminine) determiners and inflected prepositions are listed in Tables 3-4 and some examples are provided in (11)-(13): 63
L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion across Word Boundaries: Phonology or Morphology? MAS. & Sing. Determiners/ Infl.Prepositions Uno, Lo, Questo, Quello, Dello FEM. & Sing. Determiners/ Infl.Prepositions Una, La, Questa, Quella, Della C-ORAL-ROM Italian Experimental Study - Measures of dispersion Occ. in elided form/ % Occ. in elided form/ % M SD CV SV LV R overall occurrences overall occurrences 1676/1704 98% 376/390 96% Table 3: Application of VD to masculine singular determiners and inflected prepositions (#² = 59.03, p < 0.001 for the data of the experimental study). C-ORAL-ROM Italian Experimental Study - Measures of dispersion Occ. in elided form/ % Occ. in elided form/ % M SD CV SV LV R overall occurrences overall occurrences 1438/1482 97% 365/386 94% Table 4: Application of VD to feminine singular determiners and inflected prepositions (#² = 36.92, p < 0.001 for the data of the experimental study). (11) V1 followed by unstressed V2 Un/L’/Quell’/Questo/Dell’ elénco ! un/l’/Quell’/Quest’ (rar. Questo)/Dell’ elénco, etc. ‘a/the/that/this/of the list (mas)’ Una/La/Quella/Questa/Dell’ icóna ! un’/l’/Quell’/Quest’/Dell’ (rar. Questa) icóna, etc. ‘a/the/that/this/of the icon (fem)’ (12) V1 followed by V2 bearing secondary stress Un/L’/Quell’/Questo/Dell’ èpisódio ! un/l’/Quell’/Quest’ (rar. Questo)/Dell’ èpisódio, etc. ‘An/the/that/this/of the episode (mas)’ Una/La/Quella/Questa/Della ìronía ! un’/l’/Quell’/Quest’ (rar. Questa)/Dell’ ìronía, etc. ‘An/the/that/this/of the irony (fem)’ (13) V1 followed by V2 bearing primary stress Un/L’/Quello/Questo/Dell’ ésito ! un/l’/Quell’/ Quest’ (rar. questo)/ Dell’ ésito, etc. ‘An/the/that/this/of the exit (mas)’ Una/La/Quella/ Questa época ! un’/l’/Quell’/ Quest’ (rar. questa)/Dell’ época, etc. ‘An/the/that/this/of the epoch (fem)’ (B) The data presented in Tables 3-4 suggest that: !" The speakers of the corpus as well as the 9 Florentine informants dropped (nearly regularly) V1 of singular determiners and inflected prepositions,. 5.2. PLURAL Determiners and Inflected Prepositions The data concerning the application of VD to plural (masculine + feminine) determiners and inflected prepositions are listed in Tables 5-6 and some examples are provided in (14)-(16): MAS. & Plur. Determiners/ Infl.Prepositions Gli, Questi, Quegli, Degli iv FEM. & Plur. Determiners/ Infl.Prepositions Le, Queste, Quelle, Delle C-ORAL-ROM Italian Experimental Study - Measures of dispersion Occ. in elided form/ % Occ. in elided form/ % M SD CV SV LV R overall occurrences overall occurrences 32/599 5% 3/299 1% 0,5 0,5 0 0 Table 5: Application of VD to masculine plural determiners and inflected prepositions (#² = 11. 13, p < 0. 01 for the data of the experimental study). C-ORAL-ROM Italian Experimental Study - Measures of dispersion Occ. in elided form/ % Occ. in elided form/ % M SD CV SV LV R overall occurrences overall occurrences 19/204 9% 8/314 3% 1 1 2 Table 6: Application of VD to feminine plural determiners and inflected prepositions 63 59 2 5 4 22 59 51 0 64 64 1 3 64 5 13 1 3
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Aditi Lahiri, Judith Meinschaefer,
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Contents Acquaviva, Paolo (Dublin/K
Page 5 and 6:
Inflectional morphology as lexeme f
Page 7 and 8:
Why nouns? Why plural? Inflectional
Page 9 and 10:
Page 11 and 12:
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Metaphony in two Southern Italian d
Page 15 and 16: 3 12
Page 17 and 18: Metaphony (in general) Raising and/
Page 19 and 20: Issue Is metaphony phonological? P
Page 21 and 22: Characteristics of the chosen diale
Page 23 and 24: Previous research Phonologcial asp
Page 25 and 26: Piedimonte Matese (Campania) 13 22
Page 27 and 28: verbs total Lexical category nouns
Page 29 and 30: Examples Piedimonte Matese: Nouns &
Page 31 and 32: Gender Number Gender/ Number Morpho
Page 33 and 34: Phonological Model Lahiri & Reetz (
Page 35 and 36: Inventory of vowels (Piedimonte M.)
Page 37 and 38: 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL Overview of
Page 39 and 40: Hypotheses for the absence of metap
Page 41 and 42: 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL Piedimonte
Page 43 and 44: Morphological analysis for metaphon
Page 45 and 46: Exceptions Asymmetric specification
Page 47 and 48: Exceptions All exceptions that are
Page 49 and 50: Paradigmatic distribution of stems
Page 51 and 52: Evidence from derivation (word-form
Page 53 and 54: M-Type 2 Not the lexicalized metap
Page 55 and 56: Cutrofiano (Salento - Puglia) 43 52
Page 57 and 58: System of stressed vowels and metap
Page 59 and 60: Examples (Garrapa, 2004; Gaglia, in
Page 61 and 62: Evidence from derivation (word-form
Page 63 and 64: Conclusions Different conditions f
Page 65: L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion
Page 69 and 70: L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion
Page 89 and 90: (4) C’est la combientième inonda
Page 91 and 92: (15) a [[deux —] NP [ou [trois
Page 93 and 94: Mismatches between morphological an
Page 95 and 96: Martin Maiden, University of Oxford
Page 97 and 98: 3.1.5. The distribution of -tu beco
Page 99 and 100: i. They are distinctively identifia
Page 101 and 102: 1 st . conj. 3 rd conj. Infinitive
Page 103 and 104: References Aronoff, Mark. 1994. Mor
Page 105 and 106: Nominal infinitives (and deverbal n
Page 107 and 108: For the sake of simplicity, I start
Page 109 and 110: Other verb classes • Unaccusative
Page 111 and 112: • Atelic transitive verbs (37) lo
Page 113 and 114: • The sharp decrease of frequency
Page 115 and 116: • Infinitives preceded by a deter
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4.2.2 Lexical category change in sy
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5 Conclusion Is this of any relevan
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Fabio Montermini CLLE - ERSS CNRS &
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amí[t]i ‘friends’ gré[t]i ‘
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stress on the penult, if there is o
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(13) limóne ‘lemon’ farína
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In all the cases of (18) the obliga
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P 71 50 47 30 16 13 9 9 8
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The features which are under evalua
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Lignon S., Plénat M. (to appear),
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form that preserves the most distin
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Press. Bybee, J. and Slobin, D. (19
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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Interim conclusion: F. Plank (frans
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Same conclusion: F. Plank (frans.pl
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On the context-sensitivity of Spani
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(5) The grammar model (Pomino 2005)
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(11) a. At MS [morphological struct
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(17) Stress algorithm (Oltra Massue
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(24) a. cant-a-mos [1pl], [S EQUALS
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(34) Inward Sensitivity √/kant/ [
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d. Strong preterite forms (P4) 1sg
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(53) b. anduvimos Syntax √/and/ v
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(59) c. dijo Syntax √/de-/+α Mor
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Christoph Schwarze & Christine Kasc
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The second and the third category w
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Evidence for the recognition of the
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with which they normally do not occ
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a. ["jO…gurt] yogurt b. ["bjanko]
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• Lexical /i/ appeared as [i] in
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