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• Lexical /i/ appeared as [i] in none of the 10 words where it was preceded by an unvoiced consonant. In this context it was always [j]. • In 15 out of the 20 words where lexical /i/ was preceded by a consonant with the features [voiced] or [sonorant], between 100% and 7.7 % showed /i/ preserved as [i]. (The 100% case has a branching onset.) Table 2: The [i] vs. [j] variation in the collected data Features of preceding consonant Realization of lexical /i/ as [i] in % neither [voiced] nor [sonorant] 0 [voiced] or [sonorant] 100 - 7.7, ø 47.2 To illustrate the results of this pilot study, we give two examples, It. ardesia ‘slate’, and radicchio ‘radish’. (17) ardesia Observed realizations: [ar."dE….zi.a] (61.5 %) [ar."dE….zja] (38.5 %) Lexical representation: /ar.dE.zi.a/ Preceding consonant: [voiced] Gliding predicted: optional Stress assignment: rule based: light penultima, stress on ante-penultima (18) radicchio Observed realizations: [ra."dik.kjo] (100 %) Lexical representation: /ra.dik.ki.o/ Preceding consonant: neither [voiced] nor [sonorant] Gliding predicted: obligatory Stress assignment: rule based: light penultima, stress on ante-penultima To conclude this section, the following can be said: The general assumption that stress is assigned at the level of lexical representations has been combined with more specific assumptions about how directly observable glides are lexically represented and how they vary post-lexically. Our little empirical study has given support to the assumption that, at the level of lexical representations, all post-consonantal glides are vowels, which are the nuclei of light syllables. This has the consequence that many words that have directly observable penultimate, i.e. irregular stress, have underlying ante-penultimate, i.e. regular stress. Thus one obstacle to the ongoing quantitative analysis of the vocabulary has been eliminated. References: CANEPARI, Luciano (1980). Italiano Standard e Pronunce Regionali. Padova: Cleup. CHIERCHIA, Gennaro (1983/1986). “Length, Syllabification and the Phonological Cycle in Italian.” In: Journal of Italian Linguistics. 8.5-34. COLOMBO, Lucia (1992). Lexical Stress Effect and Its Interaction With Frequency in Word Pronunciation. In Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance Vol. 18, No. 4:987-1003 D'IMPERIO, Mariapaola and ROSENTHALL, Sam (1999). “Phonetics and phonology of main stress in Italian.” In: Phonology 16:1-28. LAUDANNA, Alessandro, BURANI, Cristina, CERMELE, Antonella und PARISI, 223
Domenico (1989). Effetti sillabici e accentuali nella lettura di parole nuove. In Giornale Italiano di Psicologia XVI (1):119-140 MEISENBURG, Trudel (2005). “Zum Akzentwandel in den romanischen Sprachen.” In: Thomas Stehl (Hrsg.). Unsichtbare Hand und Sprecherwahl. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag. Pp. 197-217. MORÉN, Bruce (2001). Distinctiveness, Coercion and Sonority. A Unified Theory of Weight. New York / London: Routledge. SCHMID, Stephan (1999). Fonetica e fonologia dell'italiano. Torino: Paravia. SCHWARZE, Christoph (2006). Komplexe Wörter im Italienischen. Unpublished presentation given at the Symposium Das Deutsche und das Italienische: ein typologischer Vergleich. Istituto Italiano di Cultura Frankfurt - Johann Wolfgang Goethe- <strong>Universität</strong> Frankfurt, 3.-4. Februar 2006. 224
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Aditi Lahiri, Judith Meinschaefer,
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Contents Acquaviva, Paolo (Dublin/K
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Inflectional morphology as lexeme f
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Why nouns? Why plural? Inflectional
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Metaphony in two Southern Italian d
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3 12
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Metaphony (in general) Raising and/
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Issue Is metaphony phonological? P
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Characteristics of the chosen diale
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Previous research Phonologcial asp
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Piedimonte Matese (Campania) 13 22
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verbs total Lexical category nouns
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Examples Piedimonte Matese: Nouns &
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Gender Number Gender/ Number Morpho
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Phonological Model Lahiri & Reetz (
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Inventory of vowels (Piedimonte M.)
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1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL Overview of
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Hypotheses for the absence of metap
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1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL Piedimonte
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Morphological analysis for metaphon
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Exceptions Asymmetric specification
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Exceptions All exceptions that are
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Paradigmatic distribution of stems
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Evidence from derivation (word-form
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M-Type 2 Not the lexicalized metap
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Cutrofiano (Salento - Puglia) 43 52
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System of stressed vowels and metap
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Examples (Garrapa, 2004; Gaglia, in
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Evidence from derivation (word-form
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Conclusions Different conditions f
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L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion
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(4) C’est la combientième inonda
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(15) a [[deux —] NP [ou [trois
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Mismatches between morphological an
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Martin Maiden, University of Oxford
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3.1.5. The distribution of -tu beco
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i. They are distinctively identifia
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1 st . conj. 3 rd conj. Infinitive
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References Aronoff, Mark. 1994. Mor
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Nominal infinitives (and deverbal n
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For the sake of simplicity, I start
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Other verb classes • Unaccusative
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• Atelic transitive verbs (37) lo
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• The sharp decrease of frequency
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• Infinitives preceded by a deter
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4.2.2 Lexical category change in sy
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5 Conclusion Is this of any relevan
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Fabio Montermini CLLE - ERSS CNRS &
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amí[t]i ‘friends’ gré[t]i ‘
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stress on the penult, if there is o
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(13) limóne ‘lemon’ farína
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In all the cases of (18) the obliga
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P 71 50 47 30 16 13 9 9 8
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The features which are under evalua
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Lignon S., Plénat M. (to appear),
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form that preserves the most distin
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Press. Bybee, J. and Slobin, D. (19
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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Interim conclusion: F. Plank (frans
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Same conclusion: F. Plank (frans.pl
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Page 197 and 198: On the context-sensitivity of Spani
Page 199 and 200: (5) The grammar model (Pomino 2005)
Page 201 and 202: (11) a. At MS [morphological struct
Page 203 and 204: (17) Stress algorithm (Oltra Massue
Page 205 and 206: (24) a. cant-a-mos [1pl], [S EQUALS
Page 207 and 208: (34) Inward Sensitivity √/kant/ [
Page 209 and 210: d. Strong preterite forms (P4) 1sg
Page 211 and 212: (53) b. anduvimos Syntax √/and/ v
Page 213 and 214: (59) c. dijo Syntax √/de-/+α Mor
Page 215 and 216: Christoph Schwarze & Christine Kasc
Page 217 and 218: The second and the third category w
Page 219 and 220: Evidence for the recognition of the
Page 221: with which they normally do not occ
Page 224 and 225: a. ["jO…gurt] yogurt b. ["bjanko]
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