L. Garrapa: Italian Vowel Deletion across Word Boundaries: Phonology or Morphology? b) Optional and not frequent VD, phonologically conditioned, which is likely to apply to lo/a/i/e, glielo/a/i/e as well as to mi/ci and gli followed by lexical verbs beginning, in their turn, with unstressed vowels. !" At the beginning, VD was a single postlexical phenomenon. Subsequently, VD applying to determiners developped into a lexical phenomenon and underwent <strong>morphological</strong> leveling, while VD applying to pronouns only lost productivity and underwent <strong>morphological</strong> leveling in some respects. Acknowledgements I am indebted to Judith Meinschaefer, Mirko Grimaldi, Stefano Canalis, Lori Repetti and Anton Stasche for helpful comments, suggestions and discussion on previous versions of this paper as well as for constant encouragement. I am also grateful to Salvatore De Masi and Martin Schuetzner for helping me with the statistical analysis. Needless to say, all remaining errors are mine. This study was financially supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft through its research project ‘Morphophonological variation at word edges: evidence from Romance’/ Sonderforschungsbereich 471 ‘Variation and development in the mental lexicon’ at the University of <strong>Konstanz</strong> (Germany). References Agostiniani, L. 1989, “Fenomenologia dell’elisione nel parlato in Toscana” in Rivista di Dialettologia Italiana 13: 7-46. Anttila, A. 1997, “Deriving Variation from grammar: a Study of Finnish Genitives”, in Hinsken, F. et al. (eds.), Variation, Change and Phonological Theory, Amsterdam, Benjamins. Archangeli, D. & D. T. Langendoen (eds.) 1997, Optimality Theory. An Overview. Massachussetts & Oxford, Blackwell. Azzellino, A. & P. Marcotti 2004, SPSS Training. Analisi dei Dati per le Applicazioni Sociali e Demoscopiche, Bologna, SPSS Italia. Baayen, H. et al. 2002, ‘Dutch Inflection : the Rules that prove the Exception’, in Nooteboom, S. et al. (eds.), Storage and Computation in the Language Faculty, 93-129, Dordrecht, Kluwer. Battaglia, P. & V. Pernicone 1962, Grammatica Italiana,Torino, Loescher. Berretta, M. 1985, ‘I Pronomi Clitici nell’ Italiano’, in Holtus & Radtke (eds.), Gesprochenes Italienisch in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Tuebingen, Narr. Bisol, L. 2003, ‘Sandhi in Brazilian Portuguese’, in Probus 15: 177-200. Boersma, P. & B, Hayes 2001, ‘Empirical tests of the Gradual learning Algorithm’, in Linguistic Inquiry 32: 45-86. Brunet, J. 1979/1981/1986, Grammaire Critique de l’Italien, Université Paris VIII, Vincennes. Cabré, T. & P. Prieto 2005, “Positional and metrical prominence effects on vowel sandhi in Catalan” in Frota, S.et al. (eds) Prosodies with special reference to Iberian Languages, 124-157, Berlin-New York, Mouton de Gruyter. Cardinaletti, A. & L. Repetti, (to appear), ‘Vocali Epentetiche nella Morfologia dell’Italiano e dei Dialetti italiani’, in Maschi, R. et al. (eds.), Miscellanea di Studi Linguistici Offerti a Laura Vanelli da Amici e Allievi Padovani, Udine, Forum Editrice. Cardinaletti, A. & U. Shlonsky 2004, ‘Clitic Positions and Restructuring in Italian’, in Linguistic Inquiry 35 (4): 519-557. Cardinaletti, A. & G. Giusti 2001, ‘Semi-lexical motion verbs in Romance and Germanic’, in Corver & Riemsdijk (eds.), Semi-Lexical Categories. The Function of Content Words and the Content of Function Words, Berlin & New York, Mouton de Gruyter. Casali, R.F. 1997, ‘Vowel elision in hiatus context: which vowel goes?’, in Language 73 (3): 493-533. Colina, S. 2006, ‘No double plurals in Dominican Spanish. An optimal-theoretic account’,in Linguistics, 44: 541-568. Cresti, E. & M. Moneglia (eds.) 2005, C-ORAL-ROM Integrated Reference Corpora for Spoken Romance Languages, Amsterdam & Philadelphia, John Benjamins. Dawis, L. M., 1990, Statistics in Dialectology, Tuscaloosa & London, University of Alabama Press. Dehé, N. 2006, To Delete or not to Delete: Testing Segmental Variation at Prosodic Boundaries, Ms., University College London & Freie Universitaet Berlin. Del Gobbo, F. 1999, ‘An OT Account of the Distribution of Articles in Italian’, in Proceedings of SWOT 5, 1-18, San Diego, University of California. De Mauro, T. et al. 1993, Lessico di Frequenza dell’Italiano Parlato, Etaslibri. 81
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Aditi Lahiri, Judith Meinschaefer,
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Contents Acquaviva, Paolo (Dublin/K
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Inflectional morphology as lexeme f
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Why nouns? Why plural? Inflectional
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Inflectional morphology as lexeme f
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Inflectional morphology as lexeme f
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Metaphony in two Southern Italian d
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3 12
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Metaphony (in general) Raising and/
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Issue Is metaphony phonological? P
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Characteristics of the chosen diale
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Previous research Phonologcial asp
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Piedimonte Matese (Campania) 13 22
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verbs total Lexical category nouns
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Examples Piedimonte Matese: Nouns &
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Gender Number Gender/ Number Morpho
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Lignon S., Plénat M. (to appear),
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form that preserves the most distin
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Press. Bybee, J. and Slobin, D. (19
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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Interim conclusion: F. Plank (frans
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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Same conclusion: F. Plank (frans.pl
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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F. Plank (frans.plank@uni-konstanz.
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On the context-sensitivity of Spani
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(5) The grammar model (Pomino 2005)
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(11) a. At MS [morphological struct
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(17) Stress algorithm (Oltra Massue
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(24) a. cant-a-mos [1pl], [S EQUALS
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(34) Inward Sensitivity √/kant/ [
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d. Strong preterite forms (P4) 1sg
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(53) b. anduvimos Syntax √/and/ v
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(59) c. dijo Syntax √/de-/+α Mor
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Christoph Schwarze & Christine Kasc
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The second and the third category w
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Evidence for the recognition of the
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with which they normally do not occ
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a. ["jO…gurt] yogurt b. ["bjanko]
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• Lexical /i/ appeared as [i] in