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morphological? - KOPS - Universität Konstanz

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In two speakers as well as in the pronunciations of some non-sense words the<br />

dominant penultimate stress pattern of Italian seems to become the default<br />

selection, i.e. stress is assigned to the penultimate syllable.<br />

3. Stress assignment in the vocabulary<br />

As has already been mentioned Schwarze (2006) examined a small corpus of threesyllable<br />

words (451 items). However, in order to find out what the proportions in a<br />

larger number of words are, Christine Kaschny is currently analyzing more than<br />

10,000 entries (= ® DISC base = words ‘di alta disponibilità’).” The words are<br />

analyzed in their citation forms, except verbs; the form analyzed is the 3rd person<br />

singular of the Present tense. The domain always is the phonological word; i.e.<br />

prefixes and the first constituent of compounds are considered as being outside the<br />

window of stress assignment.<br />

In accordance with the experimental study presented above (section 1), the decision<br />

has to be made for each word whether it is <strong>morphological</strong>ly complex. And in<br />

accordance with section 2, it is assumed that the stress assigning algorithm also may<br />

segment words into a suffix and the rest, even if the rest is opaque, like in azione<br />

‘action’, where the string -zione/-ione can be identified with the suffix contained in<br />

e.g. presentazione ‘presentation’.<br />

As has been pointed out above (section 1), it is the goal of such a vocabulary analysis<br />

to find out to which extent the rule-based approach to stress assignment correctly<br />

predicts the attested data.<br />

In order to carry out this analysis, a specific problem of Italian phonology must be<br />

resolved. Since we hypothesize a syllable-based rule of stress assignment, we need to<br />

be able to exhaustingly and unequivocally analyze all words of the corpus into<br />

syllables. But at the level of auditive observation, many Italian words show variable<br />

syllabification, and the information contained in dictionary transcriptions is not<br />

reliable. The words concerned are those that end with an unstressed sequence of what,<br />

in writing, are the letters for a high plus a low vowel, cf. [i."ta….li.a] or [i."ta….lja] Italia<br />

‘Italy’, [ne.tSEs."sa…ri.o] or [ne.tSEs."sa…rjo] necessario ‘necessary’, ["va….ku.o] or<br />

["va….kwo] vacuo ‘vacuous’, [kon."ti….nu.o] or [kon."ti….nwo] continuo ‘I continue’. It is<br />

crucial to know whether the high segment is a glide—then it is the onset of a<br />

syllable—or a full vowel—then it is the nucleus of a light syllable.<br />

Our hypotheses include the following:<br />

i. The level of stress assignment<br />

Stress is assigned to lexical representations, rather than to surface forms.<br />

This hypothesis is motivated by the fact that main word stress does not seem to be<br />

sensible to post-lexical variation, such as final vowel deletion. When post-lexical<br />

variation of stress, does occur, as in dottóre ‘doctor’ vs. dòttor Róssi ‘doctor Rossi’, it<br />

is due to a stress clash, which is a consequence of final vowel deletion. The<br />

postlexical rule of final vowel deletion as such does not concern stress; cf. dottóre<br />

‘doctor’ vs. dottór Martíni ‘doctor Martini’ where there is no stress clash.<br />

ii. Lexical representations of glides<br />

The Italian glides, [j] and [w], have no symmetrical distribution. The front glide, [j],<br />

appears as or in the onset, also between vowels (1), and in the coda (2):<br />

(1) [j] as onset or part of the onset<br />

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