morphological? - KOPS - Universität Konstanz
morphological? - KOPS - Universität Konstanz
morphological? - KOPS - Universität Konstanz
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. DET Xaine de DEF N COUNT e.g. plusieurs dizaines de ces chats<br />
(10) a Elle a vu une quinzaine *(de chats) ‘She saw fifteen or so cats’<br />
b. Elle a acheté un kilo *(de prunes) ‘She bought a kilogram (of plums )’.<br />
It can be argued (i) that the LFR that constructs these X-aine forms marks them with the<br />
specific feature [+approx], which is required by the syntactic constructions (9) in which<br />
they appear; (ii) that the semantics of these X-aine expresses an approximate number,<br />
cf. (11):<br />
(11) aine 2’(cardinal’) = ‘ ± n c’ (n is contextually fixed and is small)<br />
As noted in relation to (7), the semantics of these derived Ns is fully realized only at the<br />
NP level:<br />
(12) a. [Xaine] APPROX de N COUNT = ‘|N COUNT| = ± n c’<br />
b. une centaine de camions = ‘|lorry| = 100 ± 5’<br />
3. Theoretical challenge<br />
Prototypical derivational rules involve only lexemes that are major categories (base: A,<br />
N, V; derived: A, N, V, ADV). If we agree with Aronoff (Aronoff 1976) that<br />
grammatical categories cannot be used as derivational bases, then we have to explain<br />
why numerals, which have the distribution of quantifiers functioning as specifiers, can<br />
be used as bases in derivation. This is the main theoretical challenge we have to face<br />
with the expressions under discussion. From the empirical point of view, ordinal<br />
adjectives can be formed from bases which apparently are phrases, as shown in (13),<br />
(14). How can derivational morphology cope with these facts?<br />
(13) trente et un trente et unième ‘31 rst ’<br />
quarante et quelques quarante et quelquième ’40 th or so’<br />
(14) deux ou trois deux ou troisième verre ‘2 nd or 3 rd glass’<br />
douze ou treize au douze ou treizième siècle ‘at the 12 th or 13 th century’<br />
3.1. The solution I propose is to assume that numerals constitute a category of their own<br />
(named CARD). The theoretical challenge can then be solved by saying that evn though<br />
numerals are not (prototypical) lexemes but rather a minor category (Emonds 1985),<br />
they nevertheless share all the properties of an optimal sign: their category is<br />
unequivocal, their semantics is crystal clear, and they are potentially a universal type of<br />
sign, since they play an indispensable role in communication. These properties, I<br />
suggest, fully qualify them to participate as bases in lexeme-building morphology. This<br />
is all the more true insofar as classifying elements according to an order and being able<br />
to express their rank constitute fundamental human activities. Semiotically, the<br />
correlation between numerals and ordinal adjectives is a basic correlation and,<br />
obviously, morphology is perfectly suited to express this correlation. In brief, even<br />
though from the perspective of morphology, derivation based on numerals is not a<br />
prototypical pattern, from the semiotic point of view it poses no difficulty.<br />
3.2. Expressions (14a), as in deux ou trois verres, can be analysed either as instances of<br />
Right Node Raising, on the model of (15), or as instances of a lexical coordination, on<br />
the model of (16) (Abeillé 2006).<br />
3