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morphological? - KOPS - Universität Konstanz

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• Lexical /i/ appeared as [i] in none of the 10 words where it was preceded by an<br />

unvoiced consonant. In this context it was always [j].<br />

• In 15 out of the 20 words where lexical /i/ was preceded by a consonant with<br />

the features [voiced] or [sonorant], between 100% and 7.7 % showed /i/<br />

preserved as [i]. (The 100% case has a branching onset.)<br />

Table 2: The [i] vs. [j] variation in the collected data<br />

Features of preceding consonant Realization of lexical /i/ as [i] in %<br />

neither [voiced] nor [sonorant] 0<br />

[voiced] or [sonorant] 100 - 7.7, ø 47.2<br />

To illustrate the results of this pilot study, we give two examples, It. ardesia ‘slate’,<br />

and radicchio ‘radish’.<br />

(17) ardesia<br />

Observed realizations: [ar."dE….zi.a] (61.5 %) [ar."dE….zja] (38.5 %)<br />

Lexical representation: /ar.dE.zi.a/<br />

Preceding consonant: [voiced]<br />

Gliding predicted: optional<br />

Stress assignment: rule based: light penultima, stress on ante-penultima<br />

(18) radicchio<br />

Observed realizations: [ra."dik.kjo] (100 %)<br />

Lexical representation: /ra.dik.ki.o/<br />

Preceding consonant: neither [voiced] nor [sonorant]<br />

Gliding predicted: obligatory<br />

Stress assignment: rule based: light penultima, stress on ante-penultima<br />

To conclude this section, the following can be said: The general assumption that stress<br />

is assigned at the level of lexical representations has been combined with more<br />

specific assumptions about how directly observable glides are lexically represented<br />

and how they vary post-lexically. Our little empirical study has given support to the<br />

assumption that, at the level of lexical representations, all post-consonantal glides are<br />

vowels, which are the nuclei of light syllables. This has the consequence that many<br />

words that have directly observable penultimate, i.e. irregular stress, have underlying<br />

ante-penultimate, i.e. regular stress. Thus one obstacle to the ongoing quantitative<br />

analysis of the vocabulary has been eliminated.<br />

References:<br />

CANEPARI, Luciano (1980). Italiano Standard e Pronunce Regionali. Padova: Cleup.<br />

CHIERCHIA, Gennaro (1983/1986). “Length, Syllabification and the Phonological<br />

Cycle in Italian.” In: Journal of Italian Linguistics. 8.5-34.<br />

COLOMBO, Lucia (1992). Lexical Stress Effect and Its Interaction With Frequency in<br />

Word Pronunciation. In Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception<br />

and Performance Vol. 18, No. 4:987-1003<br />

D'IMPERIO, Mariapaola and ROSENTHALL, Sam (1999). “Phonetics and phonology of<br />

main stress in Italian.” In: Phonology 16:1-28.<br />

LAUDANNA, Alessandro, BURANI, Cristina, CERMELE, Antonella und PARISI,<br />

223

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