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Gulf and European Energy Supply Security - Feem-project.net

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<strong>Energy</strong> <strong>Security</strong>: Potential for EU-GCC Cooperation<br />

Only countries which respond positively to<br />

these three criteria may be considered potentially<br />

important future supply sources.<br />

Domestic consumption will be the primary<br />

factor that will determine the volumes of natural<br />

gas available for export by the <strong>Gulf</strong> countries <strong>and</strong><br />

will certainly constrain future exports. Countries<br />

with significant oil production – such as Saudi Arabia,<br />

the UAE <strong>and</strong> Iran – or wishing to develop domestic<br />

industries (petrochemicals) <strong>and</strong> infrastructure<br />

(power plants <strong>and</strong> desalination facilities) will use gas<br />

either to re-inject it in oil fields or as a substitute to<br />

oil for the domestic economy. Consequently, the<br />

share of gas available for export could be extremely<br />

low (close to 20 percent, if not less). Saudi Arabia,<br />

in particular, could be an important exporter of<br />

gas but has a policy to reserve gas for domestic<br />

consumption.<br />

Other producers from the <strong>Gulf</strong>, such as Kuwait<br />

<strong>and</strong> Oman, have produced limited quantities of gas<br />

so far <strong>and</strong> are not likely to become major exporters.<br />

Political instability is the greatest in Iraq <strong>and</strong> Iran.<br />

Iraq is just slowly coming out of a seven-year war <strong>and</strong><br />

is as far as a country can be from being a stable state<br />

presenting the attributes of a solid government <strong>and</strong><br />

a unified population. As noted by Stansfield: 22<br />

Iraq has fractured into regional power bases.<br />

Political, security <strong>and</strong> economic power has devolved<br />

to local sectarian, ethnic or tribal political groupings.<br />

The Iraqi government is only one of several ‘statelike’<br />

actors. The regionalization of Iraqi political<br />

Table 2. <strong>Gulf</strong> Countries’ Proven Reserves<br />

Natural gas:<br />

Proved reserves at end 2008<br />

Trillion<br />

cubic Share of<br />

metres world total<br />

Iran 29.61 16.0%<br />

Qatar 25.46 13.8%<br />

Saudi Arabia 7.57 4.1%<br />

United Arab Emirates 6.43 3.5%<br />

Iraq 3.17 1.7%<br />

Kuwait 1.78 1.0%<br />

Oman 0.98 0.5%<br />

Yemen 0.49 0.3%<br />

Bahrain 0.09<br />

(Source: BP 2009)<br />

4<br />

life needs to be recognized as a defining feature of<br />

Iraq’s political structure.<br />

Moreover, the recent departure of US troops<br />

from the Iraqi soil is in itself a supplementary cause<br />

for concern, as this event could lead to even more<br />

instability.<br />

Oil production in Iraq is unlikely to reach the levels<br />

prevalent under the Saddam Hussein regime any<br />

time soon. This applies to gas even more because of<br />

the higher complexity of the infrastructure required.<br />

Nevertheless, Iraq should not be dragged out of the<br />

natural gas geopolitical map, as the northern side<br />

of the country (Kurdistan) enjoys a certain degree<br />

of autonomy <strong>and</strong> could reach a higher level of oil<br />

<strong>and</strong> gas productivity than the rest of the country.<br />

Kurdistan could be seen as one of the major suppliers<br />

of the Nabucco <strong>project</strong>.<br />

Moreover, from a <strong>Gulf</strong> perspective, Iraq is the<br />

shortest l<strong>and</strong> route towards Turkey <strong>and</strong> Europe.<br />

Relying on a pipeline linking Qatar to Turkey<br />

through Iraq seems an unwise prospect over the<br />

short term because of the insecure environment in<br />

Iraq; but this solution must not be discarded though<br />

its potential implementation will depend on the<br />

political evolution of the region.<br />

It is difficult to foresee the evolution of Iran,<br />

but although the country experienced episodes<br />

of violence <strong>and</strong> social unrest recently, after the<br />

contested re-election of President Mahmoud<br />

Ahmadinejad, the regime holds the reins of power<br />

firmly <strong>and</strong> it is difficult, although not impossible, to<br />

foresee a drastic alteration of its policy.<br />

What is more important than the protests in the<br />

streets of Tehran are the power games played behind<br />

the scenes between the clerical leaders, opposition<br />

parties <strong>and</strong> the leader of the Expediency Discernment<br />

Council (Akbar Rafsanjani). These actors have<br />

often supported diverging views <strong>and</strong> policies which<br />

have prevented major advances from taking place.<br />

Instead, in most cases, these differences have led to<br />

stalemates <strong>and</strong> prevented the development of major<br />

infrastructure, with the paradoxical consequence that<br />

Iran has failed several times to honor its commitments<br />

in gas-exporting <strong>project</strong>s.<br />

Gas exports from Iran remain controversial<br />

<strong>and</strong> a strong current exists in the Iranian Majlis

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