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Hayek's The Constitution of Liberty - Institute of Economic Affairs

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h ay e k ’ s t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n o f l i b e r t y<br />

e c o n o m i c p o l i c y a n d t h e r u l e o f l aw<br />

its coercive activities’ (206; cf. 1955: 22). If a government policy<br />

is coercive, it must conform to the principles <strong>of</strong> the Rule <strong>of</strong> Law.<br />

Hayek distinguishes between coercive measures and ‘those pure<br />

service activities where coercion does not enter or does so only<br />

because <strong>of</strong> the need <strong>of</strong> financing them by taxation’ (222). <strong>The</strong><br />

taxation issue aside, these ‘pure service activities’ would not be<br />

restricted by the Rule <strong>of</strong> Law, unless they were to become coercive.<br />

Assuming that a specific policy is compatible with the Rule <strong>of</strong><br />

Law, it must then be judged according to its expediency or efficiency.<br />

<strong>The</strong> question here is whether the policy will succeed or fail<br />

and whether its advantages will outweigh its costs (221).<br />

Hayek introduces the expediency test to judge how administrative<br />

discretion is used. In order to pursue policy objectives in<br />

concrete situations, amid ever-changing circumstances, administrators<br />

must act according to their judgement <strong>of</strong> what is best:<br />

‘Nobody disputes the fact that, in order to make efficient use <strong>of</strong> the<br />

means at its disposal, the government must exercise a great deal<br />

<strong>of</strong> discretion’ (213). Expediency is a test <strong>of</strong> whether discretionary<br />

actions are efficient in reaching their objectives; and economic<br />

analysis, especially the weighing <strong>of</strong> costs and benefits, is crucial<br />

in making such judgements. Having discretion allows administrators<br />

to choose from a range <strong>of</strong> legitimate options in deciding on<br />

the best course <strong>of</strong> action. A policy measure can be inexpedient but<br />

still in conformity with the Rule <strong>of</strong> Law. Moreover, an expedient<br />

action that harms many is permissible, if the outcome is beneficial<br />

overall (224–5).<br />

<strong>The</strong> ultimate objective <strong>of</strong> policy – that it must serve the needs<br />

or interests <strong>of</strong> the community – is vital for determining both a<br />

policy’s compatibility with the Rule <strong>of</strong> Law and its expediency, as<br />

we shall see.<br />

Excluded policies<br />

Some policies are excluded in principle from a free society because<br />

they cannot possibly be reconciled with the Rule <strong>of</strong> Law. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

are ones that ‘cannot be achieved by merely enforcing general<br />

rules but, <strong>of</strong> necessity, involve arbitrary discrimination between<br />

persons’ (227; cf. 231). Hayek considers three types <strong>of</strong> excluded<br />

policies, the first <strong>of</strong> which is giving specific individuals the right to<br />

engage in different occupations or to provide services or commodities.<br />

Forbidding favouritism <strong>of</strong> this kind does not, in Hayek’s<br />

view, preclude setting job qualifications or requiring a licence to<br />

practise certain trades, so long as these measures follow a general<br />

rule that applies to any qualified person and gives each one the<br />

right, if passed over, to ‘have his claim examined and enforced by<br />

an independent court’ (227).<br />

Price controls, whether imposed directly by authority or<br />

indirectly by specifying the quantities that particular persons or<br />

firms can buy or sell, are incompatible with a free system for two<br />

reasons. First, such controls have to be administered arbitrarily<br />

and not according to a rule. More broadly, free markets will work<br />

only if individual decisions are guided by price movements. In the<br />

absence <strong>of</strong> prices, governments will try unsuccessfully to achieve<br />

similar results by direct orders (227–9).<br />

Finally, a government bound by the Rule <strong>of</strong> Law cannot undertake<br />

to reward people according to their supposed merit. Hayek<br />

repeats here his <strong>of</strong>t-stated objection to government pursuing<br />

distributive justice: it requires ‘an allocation <strong>of</strong> all resources by<br />

a central authority’ and also ‘that people be told what to do and<br />

what ends to serve.’ <strong>The</strong> administrative pursuit <strong>of</strong> distributive<br />

justice is incompatible with treating individuals according to<br />

general rules (231–3).<br />

136<br />

137

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