Hayek's The Constitution of Liberty - Institute of Economic Affairs
Hayek's The Constitution of Liberty - Institute of Economic Affairs
Hayek's The Constitution of Liberty - Institute of Economic Affairs
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h ay e k ’ s t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n o f l i b e r t y<br />
themselves unjust. A just system <strong>of</strong> taxation, as Hayek conceives<br />
it, is one that is limited by a principle or rule that applies to<br />
everyone. Progressive taxation is not constrained by any such<br />
limiting principle. It applies different rules to different people,<br />
depending on their degree <strong>of</strong> wealth; and it has no principled<br />
way <strong>of</strong> deciding who should be taxed and how much. Progressive<br />
systems permit a majority ‘to impose a discriminatory tax<br />
burden on a minority.’ By making actual income relative to one’s<br />
tax rate, they violate ‘what is probably the only universally recognized<br />
principle <strong>of</strong> economic justice, that <strong>of</strong> “equal pay for equal<br />
work.”’ A whole class <strong>of</strong> persons is practically deprived <strong>of</strong> the<br />
normal incentives because their income is not in line with the rest.<br />
None <strong>of</strong> these progressive measures can be defended on grounds<br />
<strong>of</strong> justice (313–17, 322).<br />
Proportional taxation meets Hayek’s standard <strong>of</strong> justice. It<br />
applies the same general rule to everyone, prevents discrimination<br />
against the wealthy and, by requiring that political majorities<br />
abide by the rules they enact, deters high rates <strong>of</strong> taxation.<br />
Since the principle <strong>of</strong> proportionality, like that <strong>of</strong> progressivity,<br />
does not itself specify appropriate rates <strong>of</strong> taxation, Hayek speculates<br />
that the maximum admissible rate <strong>of</strong> direct taxation might<br />
reasonably be set ‘at that percentage <strong>of</strong> the total national income<br />
which the government takes in taxation.’ It should be noted that<br />
Hayek does not object to a majority granting ‘to an economically<br />
weak minority some relief in the form <strong>of</strong> a proportionately lower<br />
taxation.’ Also, to compensate for the effects <strong>of</strong> indirect taxation,<br />
he grants that ‘some progression in personal income taxation is<br />
probably justified’ (332–3).<br />
12 STOPPING COERCION IN EMPLOYMENT<br />
(Chapter 18)<br />
Hayek points out in an earlier chapter that most people today<br />
work as employees <strong>of</strong> large organisations. Some employees are<br />
unionised workers; and it is with reference to them that Hayek<br />
takes up the problem <strong>of</strong> coercion in employment. Hayek acknowledges<br />
at one point that coercion should ‘be treated as equally<br />
illegitimate whether employed for or against organization, by<br />
the employer or by the employees;’ but he is mostly silent about<br />
preventing employer coercion, except to recommend contractual<br />
arrangements that provide for a grievance procedure and<br />
some degree <strong>of</strong> employee self-government. Generally speaking,<br />
Hayek takes the view that workers’ interests are best served by<br />
encouraging competition among many employers; and it is likely<br />
that he would argue that the need to compete for workers is the<br />
most effective check on employer coercion. He acknowledges<br />
that workers have the right to voluntary agreement among themselves<br />
and also the right to ‘withhold their services in concert,’<br />
but thinks that there are certain employments where the right to<br />
strike should be renounced contractually (278, 276–7, 269).<br />
Coercive unionism<br />
Unions employ coercion to gain benefits for their own members,<br />
especially higher wages. In fact, ‘raising wages by the use <strong>of</strong><br />
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