Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University
Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University
Dissertation_Paula Aleksandrowicz_12 ... - Jacobs University
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no longer lingering (Firm PL-2), change from coal heating to gas and oil (Firm PL-8),<br />
raising of the roof so that fumes can escape (Firm PL-3). The constantly improving<br />
occupational safety, which started from a very low level after the transition, and the<br />
improving working conditions create a clear opportunity for the prolongation of working<br />
life both in terms of actual risk exposure and in terms of institutional incentives – the<br />
´upgrading´ of certain positions in terms of occupational safety has excluded their holders<br />
from the entitlement to early old-age pensions, as the workplaces are no longer defined as<br />
´special´.<br />
A downside to the transition process were savings on the firms´ own health centres and<br />
health resorts (also observed at aggregated level by Morecka 2003: 300). Moreover, several<br />
shop stewards reported that work intensity has risen due to change to a performance-related<br />
pay or more stringent performance criteria. Computerisation has crowded out many harmful<br />
blue-collar positions and work consists now mostly of supervising machines which requires<br />
alertness.<br />
A typical example of that double-sided development is Firm PL-9. Before the transition,<br />
machine operators worked regularly 260-400 hours per month due to continuous shift work and low<br />
observation of laws. Currently, the interviewed trade unionist reported regular working hours but<br />
nevertheless regards shift work as much more stressing, as there are less workers per one machine<br />
(before, there was time for sleep during the shift), broad specialisation bears a risk of occupational<br />
accidents, and the performance requirements have risen. Therefore, psychical health impairments<br />
are on the increase in the firm.<br />
Another negative effect of the transition and privatisation was the decrease of sheltered<br />
workplaces in the studied Polish facilities. That process could be observed also in German<br />
firms (see section 4.2.5.) but was more pronounced in Poland as overstaffed business units<br />
had to be shed. Although sheltered workplaces are not recommended by labour medicine<br />
due to their de-qualifying character (Dworschak 2006: 2<strong>12</strong>), they nevertheless constitute in<br />
my opinion an opportunity for the prolongation of working life for incapacitated workers<br />
who have not yet reached retirement age.<br />
The negative effects of the shedding of sheltered workplaces could be observed in a<br />
transportation equipment company. According to the shop steward, no worker reaches retirement<br />
age nowadays. Before, the firm employed 8,000 persons and an alternative workplace could always<br />
be found in case of work incapacity or closure of the workstation.<br />
In distinction to Germany, there were more firms in the Polish sample in which<br />
internalisation strategies towards workers with decreased workability coexisted with<br />
externalisation strategies. Moreover, quite often substitution strategies were used.<br />
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