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Sex, Gender, Becoming - PULP

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Agency amidst adversity: poverty and women’s reproductive lives 101<br />

of adult children reciprocating in economic terms in the long run,<br />

were very frequently raised during the group sessions and interviews<br />

with individual women. It was also apparent that high rates of<br />

unemployment in recent years have led to a situation where younger<br />

people are becoming increasingly dependent on their parent’s<br />

pensions for survival. The magnitude and direction of ‘wealth flows’<br />

were predominantly from parents to children (or from older to<br />

younger generations). In a community enduring economic insecurity<br />

this scenario entrenches perceptions that children (both young and<br />

old) are likely to be a drain on the stretched resources of the<br />

individual and household.<br />

At the same time, finding employment or a partnership which secured<br />

greater financial security sometimes led to women talking about<br />

children becoming more affordable. Having another child might<br />

become a fairly immediate need of a woman who has been delaying<br />

having additional children in the belief that she could not properly<br />

support them. Thus, it is common to see women bear second children<br />

about eight to ten years after their first child was born 33 . At a<br />

superficial level, some credence for diffusionist interpretations (given<br />

considerable use of contraception to regulate births) and new<br />

household economics arguments suggesting economic choices on<br />

appropriate number of children to bear seem evident. However, these<br />

practices and decision-making processes are being shaped and driven<br />

by a number of broader experiences of ‘crises’, complexities and<br />

dilemmas as the vignettes in the following section reveal.<br />

5. The social context of reproduction: dominant ‘patterns’ in<br />

Winterveld<br />

5.1 Responses to pregnancy, the possibility of pregnancy and<br />

abandonment<br />

Questions on teenage pregnancy often elicited negative responses<br />

from both parents and teenagers alike. In Winterveld there was<br />

frequent reference to the problem of unplanned, teenage<br />

pregnancies as illustrated by the following comment from a group<br />

session: 34<br />

33 Garenne and Halifax suggest that one-third of total fertility in Southern Africa is<br />

made up of premarital births. They also suggest that high levels of early<br />

premarital births have created two peaks (modes) in age-specific fertility rate<br />

(ASFR) values. One peak is centred on ages 18-20 years (predominantly premarital<br />

fertility) and the other on 28-30 years (predominantly marital fertility). Reasons<br />

for this lengthy spacing still require more intensive investigation. See M Garenne<br />

& J Halifax ‘Pattern of premarital fertility in Southern Africa, and its correlates’<br />

workshop paper, University of London, 1999.<br />

34 Group session, ‘Ndlovu’s Group’, 15 October 1998.

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