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Sex, Gender, Becoming - PULP

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6 Amanda du Preez<br />

of transsexuality is a fairly new one. No recorded examples of physical<br />

sex changes are available in historical resources, except perhaps for<br />

the enigmatic figure of the eunuch, 18 who also did not physically<br />

change his sex. According to Green and Money, what was referred to<br />

as transsexuality in historical texts, was in fact cross-dressing or the<br />

practice of homosexuality. 19 Transsexuality cannot therefore claim to<br />

be a transhistorical category. Instead, as Bernice Hausman 20<br />

indicates, the use and proliferation of transsexuality are closely<br />

concurrent with a specific context that has been enabled by technomedical<br />

procedures and discourses developed from the mid-twentieth<br />

century onwards. The occurrence of transsexuality, as currently<br />

understood and medically managed, is a fairly recent phenomenon<br />

that requires specific techno-medical intervention in order to exist as<br />

a separate category from, for instance, transvestism and<br />

homosexuality.<br />

Although sex reassignment surgery has, since its pioneering years,<br />

become an established medical procedure, as indicated earlier, not<br />

all transsexuals undergo reassignment surgery. However, these nonoperative<br />

transsexuals, as they are labelled, may make use of<br />

hormonal therapy and other medication to provide the necessary<br />

morphological results. This makes the distinction between preoperative<br />

and non-operative transsexuals extremely difficult, since<br />

pre-operative transsexuals also use medication and hormonal therapy<br />

in preparation for the reassignment operation. Non-operative<br />

transsexuals have decided not to undergo surgery, whereas preoperative<br />

transsexuals are preparing themselves for a series of<br />

operations. Moreover, the distinction between non-operative and<br />

18 As ethnographic studies have shown, different cultures dealt differently with the<br />

apparent sex-gender dichotomy. In this regard Unni Wikan identified the xanith of<br />

coastal Oman – biological men living as women; the berdache amongst the Plains<br />

Indians, Tahitian, Brazilian, Aztec and Inca tribes who is described as a ‘honorary<br />

third sex’; Serena Nanda’s analysis of the transgendered state of the hijra in India<br />

and Will Roscoe’s analysis of the Zuni Indian man-woman. All of these testify to<br />

alternative and complex customs through which different societies deal with the<br />

sex-gender polarity. As to the existence of physical sex change, if one consults<br />

online resources advocating transsexualism and transgenderism, it becomes<br />

evident that historical examples attesting to primitive’ physical sex changes did<br />

occur, although rarely. The figure of the eunuch cannot be described as typical of<br />

transsexualism’s need to change into the other sex, for eunuchs, although<br />

‘castrated men’, remained in many instances respected and politically powerful<br />

figures within their societies. By contrast, transsexuals struggle for acceptance in<br />

modern society. See P Ackroyd Dressing up (1979) 37; U Wikan ‘The xanith: a third<br />

gender role?’ in U Wikan Behind the veil in Arabia: women in Oman (1982) 168; W<br />

Roscoe The Zuni man-woman (1992); Raymond (n 2 above) 105-106; S Nanda The<br />

hijras of India: neither man nor woman (1999).<br />

19 R Green & J Money ‘Mythological, historical, and cross-cultural aspects of<br />

transsexualism’ in Denny (ed) (n 3 above) 3.<br />

20 Hausman (n 1 above) 6.

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