04.06.2014 Views

Sex, Gender, Becoming - PULP

Sex, Gender, Becoming - PULP

Sex, Gender, Becoming - PULP

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

Shopping for gender 71<br />

The inscription of gender relations in the geography and spatial<br />

practices of modernism, patriarchy, and capitalism identified women<br />

with the spaces of domesticity and barred them from the freedom to<br />

wander in the city like the flâneur. Griselda Pollock argues that<br />

women ‘could enter and represent selected locations in the public<br />

sphere — those of entertainment and display’ 69 — and shopping.<br />

Pollock further argues that for men, public space signified freedom<br />

from the constraints of both work and domesticity, whereas for<br />

women public space connoted dirt, danger, and the possible loss of<br />

virtue: ‘going out in public and the idea of disgrace were closely<br />

allied’. 70 From the nineteenth century onwards, woman’s entry into<br />

the public sphere was associated with consumption and not<br />

production, and this consumption was sited in the new department<br />

stores that allowed women to become browsers and to engage in light<br />

sociability in a semi-public domain. Department stores such as Bon<br />

Marché, Printemps and Galeries Lafayette in Paris and Macy’s in New<br />

York changed the face of consumption because they were convenient<br />

and provided a vast variety of goods, services, and entertainment. 71<br />

Many large department stores in South Africa — OK Bazaars,<br />

Ackermans, Stuttafords and Greatermans — also date from the middle<br />

decades of the nineteenth century 72 and started to change the face<br />

of South African consumption.<br />

Like the shopping mall of the twentieth century, the nineteenth<br />

century department store may be considered a liminal or in-between<br />

zone that provided a safe and generally respectable ‘arena for the<br />

legitimate public appearance of middle-class women’ from the 1850s<br />

onwards. 73 Because the department store interiorised the public<br />

street and transformed it into a private space, it became an<br />

acceptable extension of the home that the bourgeois woman could<br />

enter alone 74 — the only other place that conferred similar liberty was<br />

the church. The department store’s liminal status between the public<br />

and the private was embraced by women, and they assumed an active<br />

role as consumers. Although women in a department store were highly<br />

visible, they were also afforded anonymity, which frequently caused<br />

unease in patriarchal society. 75 The majority of the shop assistants in<br />

department stores were women, and consequently shopping not only<br />

inscribed appropriate masculine and feminine behaviour and sexual<br />

relations, but also class relations. 76 In the half-public, half-private<br />

69 G Pollock Vision and difference: femininity, feminism and the histories of art<br />

(1988) 79.<br />

70<br />

Pollock (n 69 above) 69.<br />

71 M Crawford ‘The world in a shopping mall’ in M Sorkin (ed) Variations on a theme<br />

park. The new American city and the end of public space (1992) 17-18.<br />

72<br />

CE Cloete Shopping centre management in South Africa (2002) 21.<br />

73 Wolff (n 48 above) 46.<br />

74 M Crang Cultural geography (1998) 54, 125.<br />

75<br />

Lancaster (n 65 above) 188.<br />

76 Miller (n 4 above) 13; Crang (n 74 above) 125; Pollock (n 69 above) 68.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!