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Sex, Gender, Becoming - PULP

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Shopping for gender 75<br />

to the nature over nurture theory, the prehistoric role of women as<br />

gatherers around the perimeter of the home rather than as<br />

peripatetic hunters endowed them with a biological propensity for<br />

skilful shopping. 93 The nurture-over-nature theory argues, on the<br />

other hand, that patriarchy confined women to the domestic domain<br />

and consequently barred them from the world of commerce, thereby<br />

relegating them to the role of consumers. These gendered positions<br />

are naturally not watertight, and as Lancaster comments, the<br />

‘majority of women shop in a highly rational manner, and most base<br />

their purchases upon a carefully controlled budget’. 94 In this light, it<br />

is interesting that men are apparently more liable to indulge in<br />

impulse shopping, 95 which is customarily associated with shopping as<br />

a form of entertainment. 96<br />

Nevertheless, the overwhelming perception that shopping is fun and<br />

accordingly an appropriate endeavour for women has categorised<br />

females as the prototypical consumers in patriarchal capitalist<br />

society 97 (Figure 1). The belief that ‘women shop’ is founded on the<br />

social constructs of both women and shopping and the intimate<br />

association between the two. 98 The stereotypical equation between<br />

females and shopping either considers that shopping is part of<br />

domestic labour and the hard work associated with it, or reasons that<br />

shopping is a daydream-like activity and ‘to enjoy shopping is to be<br />

passively feminine and incorporated into a system of false needs’. 99<br />

This trance-like state, hinted at in a print advertisement for Eastgate<br />

Mall (Figure 2), seems to typify the ideal mall walker. Zukin<br />

acknowledges that although shopping has been criticised as a vacuous<br />

activity, for many people it is one of the most important ways of<br />

dealing with alienation and of identity formation. 100 Morris endorses<br />

the view that shopping is one of the forms of cultural production that<br />

is almost exclusively carried out by women, putting it on a par with<br />

‘the organisation of leisure, [and] holiday and/or unemployment<br />

activities’. 101 However, Underhill points out that in a post-feminist<br />

world shopping is no longer women’s main entry into public life and<br />

instead of affording them the welcome chance to socialise with other<br />

93 Underhill (n 9 above) 114.<br />

94 Lancaster (n 65 above) 175.<br />

95<br />

Lancaster 202.<br />

96 Josal & Scalabrin (n 90 above) 203.<br />

97 I do not offer a summary of theories of consumption or the critique of mass<br />

consumption and consumerism under commodity capitalism, as this is available in<br />

many sources. For an overview of the most important theories see Miller (n 4<br />

above) 1-8 and R Bocock Consumption (1993). The critique of excessive and<br />

conspicuous consumption in a South African context is naturally pertinent.<br />

98 Bowlby in Fiske (n 8 above) 18.<br />

99 McRobbie (n 16 above) 136.<br />

100<br />

Zukin (n 54 above) 187.<br />

101 Morris (n 8 above) 392.

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