The Spinster and Her Enemies - Feminish
The Spinster and Her Enemies - Feminish
The Spinster and Her Enemies - Feminish
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‘HENPECKING’<br />
relating to the care <strong>and</strong> protection of girls, find themselves in<br />
opposite camps.’ 19 <strong>The</strong> AMSH was in the opposite camp. <strong>The</strong><br />
Vigilance Record summed up their arguments by saying that<br />
the opposition was based upon the idea that:<br />
the liberty of the subject is at stake; that no citizen, especially<br />
girls between the ages of 15 <strong>and</strong> 18, ought to be at the mercy<br />
of the arbitrary <strong>and</strong> tyrannical power that could be exercised<br />
by one police constable, or should be consigned to detention<br />
in a Home for 2 or 3 years at the discretion of one magistrate. 20<br />
<strong>The</strong> NVA rejected these quite reasonable arguments based upon<br />
feminist <strong>and</strong> civil libertarian premises <strong>and</strong> argued: ‘Surely the<br />
law only steps in when liberty is dethroned <strong>and</strong> license reigns!’ 21<br />
<strong>The</strong> NVA was still formally dedicated to the establishment of<br />
an equal moral st<strong>and</strong>ard but clearly this had been ab<strong>and</strong>oned<br />
in all but name. <strong>The</strong> NVA seems at this time to have lost all<br />
feminist influence. <strong>The</strong> supporters of clause 3 wanted to eliminate<br />
prostitution <strong>and</strong> venereal disease through the sacrifice of women’s<br />
civil rights. This was a far cry from the ideal with which the<br />
NVA had started out, of implementing an equal law on soliciting.<br />
<strong>The</strong> executive committee of the National Union of Women<br />
Workers (later the National Council for Women) was completely<br />
divided over the issue of detention. <strong>The</strong> rescue <strong>and</strong> preventive<br />
sub-committee wanted it whilst the others saw it as a threat to<br />
a girl’s liberty. <strong>The</strong> NUWW had passed unamimous resolutions<br />
in favour of equal moral st<strong>and</strong>ards for men <strong>and</strong> women in society<br />
<strong>and</strong> before the law, but on this occasion some members were<br />
quite unable to see the contradiction. <strong>The</strong> Joint Select Committee<br />
eventually decided against clause 3. <strong>The</strong> differences of opinion<br />
here show how uneasy the alliance was at this time between<br />
feminists <strong>and</strong> those who favoured compulsion despite their<br />
common aims around the age of consent <strong>and</strong> other amendments<br />
to the 1885 Act.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Joint Select Committee was considering a new Bill of<br />
1918, the ‘Sexual Offences Bill’, as well as the Criminal Law<br />
Amendment Bill. <strong>The</strong> new Bill embodied the principle of<br />
compulsion in another guise. One clause allowed for the<br />
compulsory medical examination of those suspected of having<br />
engaged in sexual intercourse whilst suffering from venereal<br />
disease. <strong>The</strong> report of the committee in 1920 recommended the<br />
abolition of the reasonable cause to believe clause but not the<br />
raising of the age of consent above 16. <strong>The</strong> AMSH was<br />
concerned that elements of compulsion, particularly any version<br />
81