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However, the 1920s were different from earlier Latin American country that maintained full servdecades<br />

in several vital respects. First, the volume icing on its external debts. Effectively, access by<br />

of government lending and borrowing was far developing countries to commercial markets<br />

greater. Borrowings by governments accounted for ceased until the 1960s.<br />

nearly half of the foreign dollar issues in the Although the deterioration in the general eco-<br />

United States. No less important, <strong>World</strong> War I had nomic climate was the proximate cause of defaults<br />

left a legacy of official debt. The United States was in the interwar period, it was not the only one.<br />

owed almost all the debts made between the Other contributions came from excessive borrow-<br />

Allies, totaling more than $16 billion. In addition, ing, particularly between 1925 and 1929; poor risk<br />

the Allies had heavy reparation claims against Ger- assessment on the part of lenders; panic; and an<br />

many.<br />

abrupt cessation of lending just before a default. In<br />

The second difference was that foreign capital general, the financial penalties for defaulting were<br />

was no longer part of an integrated pattern of pop- rather small in the 1930s. Defaulting governments<br />

ulation and trade. By the mid-1920s, commodity had established a precedent, and the number of<br />

prices were falling. Some countries borrowed to private defaulters was too large for sanctions to be<br />

finance a growing stockpile of unsold commodi- enforced. However, the cost in domestic adjustties;<br />

one example was Brazil in the 1920s, to ment could be severe. Between 1929 and 1938, the<br />

finance coffee stocks. In the mid-1920s, there was maximum peak-to-trough declines in output for<br />

an increase of 75 percent in commodity stocks, major Latin American countries ranged from 7 perfinanced<br />

indirectly by foreign capital.<br />

cent for Brazil to 26 percent for Peru.<br />

The third difference with the pre-<strong>World</strong> War I<br />

period was the trade policy followed by the major Some historical lessons<br />

global creditor. British free trade had served to<br />

guarantee debtors a market for their products. The Three broad lessons emerge from the experience of<br />

United States was more protectionist and its exter- international finance between 1870 and 1939.<br />

nal trade was a relatively small portion of its G:DP. * Finance seeks out profit: in general, the high-<br />

Following the recession of 1920-21, it raised tariffs est returns were from investments that directly or<br />

back to where they had been before some liberali- indirectly exploited natural resources. Technologization<br />

in 1913. If debtors could not generate export cal innovation-such as the expansion of railroads<br />

surpluses, they needed capital inflows to service in the nineteenth century-was also a major<br />

past debts. The process inevitably produced ever absorber of capital, and international capital in parincreasing<br />

debt.<br />

ticular. Repayments were more likely when invest-<br />

The Great Depression of 1929-32 turned a poten- ments led to increased exports (as was generally<br />

tial threat into a disaster. Between 1929 and 1932, the case before 1914) than when the ability to<br />

output in industrial countries fell 17 percent and export was constrained by protectionist measures<br />

the volume of world trade by more than a quarter. in capital-exporting countries (as was the case in<br />

The international monetary system disintegrated. the interwar period). Political risk was minimized<br />

There was no lender of last resort to provide by investing in colonies or in countries that were<br />

liquidity, a function that the United Kingdom had integrated with capital exporters through trade<br />

previously undertaken. And the liberal trading and finance.<br />

system of the prewar years virtually disappeared. * The volume and composition of finance<br />

Most countries raised tariffs and applied quotas changes to reflect shifts in the world economy.<br />

and exchange controls. Lack of finance contributed Before <strong>World</strong> War I, private capital markets were<br />

to the decline of international trade, and vice dominant; in the interwar period, public borrowversa.<br />

ing and lending assumed a much larger role.<br />

Several industrial countries defaulted on their Financial innovation is also influential: for examwar<br />

debts and reparation. Germany, facing declin- ple, the nineteenth century saw the establishment<br />

ing production, exports, and prices, first obtained of mutual funds, which separated ownership from<br />

a one-year moratorium in 1931 and then defaulted the management of portfolios and spread risk<br />

on all its external debts in 1932. Developing coun- more widely.<br />

tries were also failing to service their debt. Bolivia * Reschedulings and defaults were the result of<br />

defaulted on its dollar obligations in 1931 and was inadequate policy responses by borrowers to<br />

soon followed by most other Latin American coun- declining terms of trade. Defaults were typically<br />

tries. By the end of 1933 Argentina was the only settled in negotiations with bondholder commit-<br />

14

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