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Box 4.6 Capital flight in the Southern Cone countries<br />

In the mid-1970s, the Southern Cone countries of Latin of widespread expectations that foreign borrowing<br />

America-Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay-introduced would remain cheap and its supply would be plentiful.<br />

major reforms aimed at breaking out of chronically slow As exchange rates became more overvalued, doubts<br />

growth, fast inflation, and frequent balance of payments grew about the sustainability of the exchange rate policy.<br />

crises. By 1978, all had turned around their external In Argentina and Uruguay, these doubts were reinforced<br />

accounts and slowed inflation. Chile and Uruguay had by mounting fiscal deficits; in Chile by the rapid increase<br />

also speeded up their growth.<br />

in real wages during a period of shrinking profit mar-<br />

Despite these achievements, inflation in all three coun- gins. In all three countries, many companies incurred<br />

tries was still well above its historical average. So in losses, while lax lending practices led to the collapse of<br />

1978-79, the three governments decided to launch a pol- several large banks. Governments sought to allay fears<br />

icy experiment of fixing the exchange rate, with a prede- of devaluation by offering exchange rate guarantees, but<br />

termined path of decreasing small devaluations. They these only enhanced the windfalls to be gained from<br />

hoped that this strategy, coupled with lower import pro- currency speculation. Imports grew at unprecedented<br />

tection and open financial markets, would quickly cut rates, while export earnings lagged far behind.<br />

inflation, improve industrial efficiency, and lower inter- The three countries were able to maintain their<br />

est rates.<br />

exchange rates only by increasing their foreign borrow-<br />

In fact, inflation declined more slowly than antici- ing. When capital inflows slowed in 1981-82 because of<br />

pated, so real exchange rates appreciated substantially. tighter money in the industrial countries and increasing<br />

Uncertainty about policy intentions continued, keeping doubts about the three countries' policies, large outflows<br />

domestic interest rates high. Attracted by the high yields of capital soon forced large devaluations. The principal<br />

available on dollar-denominated assets, large amounts of legacy of the exchange rate experiment was heavy forcapital<br />

flowed into the three countries. These inflows eign debt.<br />

were not regarded initially as a cause for concern because<br />

Borrowing to facilitate adjustment<br />

of spare parts, and improve the competitiveness of<br />

exports, but imports will usually rise before<br />

While many governments have borrowed abroad exports do. Through borrowing, a government can<br />

to postpone adjustment at home, some have done avoid having to deflate the economy to offset these<br />

so to adjust more effectively. Governments have effects. It can therefore hope to secure broad supused<br />

foreign capital to help implement policy port for its reforms, which might otherwise be lost<br />

reforms and to buy particular imports to restruc- if the whole economy had to go through a recesture<br />

the economy.<br />

sion.<br />

The speed of progress toward reform has varied<br />

POLICY REFORM. By the end of the 1970s, many greatly. Some countries have embarked on policy<br />

developing countries needed to change their poli- reforms only to abandon them prematurely; others<br />

cies in two broad areas. First, they had to curb have carried them through. The cases of Kenya<br />

their domestic spending and increase their foreign and Turkey-the first two countries to obtain a<br />

exchange earnings to service their growing foreign structural adjustment loan (SAL) from the <strong>World</strong><br />

debt. Second, they needed to improve incentives <strong>Bank</strong> (see Box 4.8)-illustrate the variety of experifor<br />

efficiency and expansion to strengthen their ence.<br />

long-term growth prospects. Of course, both Kenya introduced a comprehensive program of<br />

reforms are complementary. Measures to encour- reforms in 1975. But the huge increase in coffee<br />

age long-term growth usually founder without bal- prices in 1976 and 1977 produced a boom, making<br />

ance of payments stability; yet stability brings only the program seem less urgent; only a few of the<br />

short-term benefits unless economic efficiency is planned measures were carried out. In 1980, folalso<br />

being improved (see Box 4.7).<br />

lowing the second oil shock, the government again<br />

Foreign capital has a valuable part to play in giv- adopted a reform program, supported by an IMF<br />

ing reforms time to take effect. Some of the mea- standby loan and an SAL. The measures included<br />

sures needed to boost long-term growth may ini- a more market-oriented pricing policy, reduced<br />

tially cause a country's current account to protection for domestic industries, more active use<br />

deteriorate. For example, trade liberalization is of exchange rate policy, more demanding goals for<br />

essential to encourage efficiency, increase supplies state enterprises, improved debt management,<br />

65

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