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82 Deleveraging, What Deleveraging<br />

In contrast with this view, the exceptional weakness of the recovery – as<br />

revealed, for example, by the persistence of low labour market participation rates<br />

in the US and underemployment in the UK – suggests that an accommodative<br />

monetary stance may be necessary for an extended period (International<br />

Monetary Fund 2014b). The weakness of the recovery calls for policies aiming<br />

at supporting aggregate demand and delaying exit (Summers, 2013; Krugman,<br />

2014). In this report, we have argued that potential output growth in advanced<br />

economies has been on a declining trend for decades, accelerating after the crisis,<br />

with structural forces putting downward pressure on the natural rate of interest.<br />

In such a context, and with leverage still very high, allowing the real rate to rise<br />

above its natural level would risk killing the recovery, pushing the economy into<br />

a prolonged period of stagnation while putting at risk the already challenging<br />

deleveraging process. Although there is a lot of uncertainty over these quantities,<br />

our call is for caution. The case for caution in pre-emptively raising interest rates<br />

is reinforced by the weakness of inflationary pressures.<br />

The policy question is whether monetary policy can remain accommodative<br />

while at the same time acting to prevent the rise of new bubbles via<br />

macroprudential tools. Since central banks have developed a new set of tools<br />

aimed at multiple targets, this should in principle be possible. However, we are in<br />

uncharted territory and vigilance is required in the monitoring of the observed<br />

growth in asset prices in various market segments and regions.<br />

Beside this tension between monetary policy and financial stability objectives,<br />

whatever the interest rate path judged appropriate, it will be difficult for the<br />

Federal Reserve to delink market interest rate dynamics from the path of exit<br />

from quantitative easing and instability in financial markets. When the Fed raises<br />

rates, it will likely have a balance sheet of around $4.5 trillion, or a quarter the<br />

size of nominal GDP. It will accomplish policy firming by increasing the interest<br />

rates it pays on excess reserves and at its fixed-rate allotment facility. That is,<br />

the Fed will run a massive rolling book of reverse repo transactions and term<br />

deposits.<br />

More generally, the reality is that the events of the past few years have redefined<br />

the term ‘unusual’. The Fed will be expected to do more in the future than was<br />

expected under the settled notion of appropriate central banking before the crisis.<br />

Because it acted in extreme ways during the period of duress, it will be expected<br />

to step up at the next time of stress. With its balance sheet large and complicated,<br />

central bank officials might consider expanding the range of policy instruments.<br />

Federal Reserve officials will have to take account of the net consequences of the<br />

functioning of the market and the precedents they are setting.<br />

The response to the last crisis illustrates that the dividing line between<br />

monetary and fiscal policy becomes very thin in exceptional circumstances.<br />

To an important degree, the Federal Reserve’s quantitative easing should be<br />

viewed as a second-best attempt to deal with collateral troubles associated with<br />

borrowers with debt greater than the value of their homes. Now that US home<br />

values at the national level have expanded at a double-digit pace but headwinds<br />

still seem evident, a more direct approach that is closer to the first-best solution<br />

of mortgage relief for still-stressed households might be in order.

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