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Case studies 71<br />

be a price to pay for this policy since slower credit formation, the main support<br />

for growth in recent years, would likely translate into a substantial slowdown in<br />

activity.<br />

Figure 4.28 Chinese debt breakdown by lenders<br />

China total lending breakdown, 2008<br />

Central gov.<br />

debt<br />

11%<br />

Non-banking<br />

financing<br />

23%<br />

Bank loan<br />

66%<br />

China total lending breakdown, 2012<br />

Central gov<br />

debt<br />

7%<br />

Non-banking<br />

financing<br />

33%<br />

Bank loan<br />

60%<br />

Source: Authors’ calculations based on national data.<br />

This takes us to the difficult analysis of what lies ahead for China, or better, what<br />

kind of crisis we should expect. Following our taxonomy in Appendix 3A, should<br />

we expect full-blown ‘Type 1’ or ‘Type 3’ crisis, or a slow-burn ‘Type 2’ crisis<br />

The breakdown of the Chinese debt displayed in Table 2.1 offers some crucial<br />

elements for the analysis. Let us highlight the following facts: (a) the government<br />

has a low debt relative to GDP (49% of GDP if one includes local governments, 26%<br />

for the central government only); and (b) Chinese debt is virtually all domestic,<br />

similar to that of Japan. These conditions mean that the central government<br />

has at the current stage the resources to contain systemic risk (for instance,<br />

intervening to avoid a ‘too-big-to-fail’ default) and that policymakers have very<br />

little incentive to proceed towards an explicit default, since it would hurt mainly<br />

domestic investors. Therefore, a Russian or an Argentine default scenario is not<br />

likely since in both those cases, the bulk of debt was held by foreign investors,

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