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5 Policy issues<br />
5.1 What have we learnt from past crises<br />
In our report we have focused on both the debt build-up preceding the last ‘great’<br />
crisis and the post-crisis adjustment. Our analysis suggests that, pre-crisis, debt<br />
in advanced economies had increased above their capacity to bear it. Amongst<br />
emerging markets, China may now be in a similar situation and other countries<br />
in that group also show signs of fragility.<br />
From an ex ante perspective, policymakers must seek to prevent excessive debt<br />
accumulation because this makes the economy vulnerable to macroeconomic<br />
and/or asset price shocks which, in turn, may require subsequent painful<br />
adjustment. 27 Ex post, if an adjustment must take place, policy also has a role to<br />
play in alleviating its costs to the economy. Our case studies evaluate the results<br />
of different policy choices and point to difficult trade-offs between further debt<br />
accumulation to prevent stagnation of the real economy and debt consolidation<br />
at the cost of stagnation.<br />
In what follows, we highlight the main policy lessons that we draw from the<br />
experience of the last 20 years.<br />
(i) Preventing excessive leverage and debt crises<br />
In effect, it is a policy decision to let a country lever up above its means (that<br />
is, above its debt capacity). This may happen because policymakers view<br />
extremely high economic growth rates and advantageous borrowing conditions<br />
as permanent rather than temporary (as was the case in Ireland and Spain during<br />
the convergence period and after the launch of the euro), or because they use<br />
leverage to try to fight a persistent private-sector slowdown (as in China since<br />
2008), or perhaps because they are just trying to squeeze the benefits of financial<br />
innovation to grow above the potential rates determined by the supply side of the<br />
economy, as was the case in the US at the beginning of this century. Moreover, in<br />
some cases, policymakers acted as cheerleaders for the process of excesses in the<br />
private sector and exposed the balance sheets of central and local governments to<br />
similar vulnerabilities. Thus, a clear-eyed recognition of the actual debt capacity<br />
27 The political economy of debt management is made more complex by the possible interconnections<br />
between the growth in household debt and underlying shifts in income distribution (see, amongst<br />
others, Rajan, 2010).<br />
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