II. - Schloss Schwetzingen
II. - Schloss Schwetzingen
II. - Schloss Schwetzingen
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<strong>II</strong>.<br />
Fig. 10: Johann Bernhard<br />
Fischer von Erlach, ground<br />
plan of the Karlskirche, Vienna<br />
(Entwurf einer historischen<br />
Architektur, Vol. 3, 1721).<br />
52<br />
<strong>II</strong>. <strong>Schwetzingen</strong> – A Prince Elector’s Eighteenth-Century Summer Residence<br />
represent nothing but itself. 33 Pigage built two<br />
structures, refl ecting a wholly new view of the<br />
Orient and a serious contemplation of Islamic<br />
issues, rather than decorative shells for some<br />
unrelated purpose.<br />
Johann Gottfried Herder’s statement that the<br />
East had been the cradle of all religions refl<br />
ects the late 18th century’s growing scholarly<br />
interest in the Orient. Earlier on, due to the<br />
centuries-long Ottoman wars, Christianity and<br />
Islam had merely perceived the “imperialist”<br />
aspects of each other, and thus, the opposite<br />
and different. The age of Enlightenment<br />
looked for convergences both on the praxeological<br />
and the epistemological levels. The<br />
result was a “sympathetic identifi cation”, as<br />
the scholar Edward W. Said called the growing<br />
willingness towards the end of the 18th<br />
century, to discover aspects of relationship or<br />
shared attitudes within the “other” and alien. 34<br />
Fischer von Erlach’s view of Mecca is much<br />
more than a document of the Oriental fashion<br />
popular in the 18th century. In fact, the architect<br />
stresses the importance of a knowledge<br />
33 Gaier 2002, p. 59. Another explanation that does not apply<br />
here is the possibility of the mosque’s representing a triumph<br />
over the Ottomans, and thus a symbol of political and religious<br />
victory. This is how Ulrika Kiby interprets the Ottoman<br />
elements in the architecture of the Belvedere in Vienna.<br />
Ulrika Kiby, Die Exotismen des Kurfürsten Max Emanuel in<br />
Nymphenburg, Hildesheim 1990, pp. 167 ff.<br />
34 Edward W. Said, Orientalismus (transl. L. Weissberg),<br />
Frankfurt a. M. 1981, p. 110.<br />
of Oriental languages, history and religion for<br />
the understanding of one’s own origins and<br />
those of others, when he writes in his caption<br />
that “according to the Mohammedans this is<br />
where the house built by Abraham and the<br />
well of Ishmael are, and where Mohammed<br />
wrote his Alcoran”.<br />
Further surprising discoveries were that of a<br />
common philosophical heritage derived from<br />
antiquity, and numerous parallels, such as<br />
the Islamic and Christian interpretations of<br />
Aristotle’s De anima. 35<br />
Most of all it was probably the aspect of<br />
reason, that the era of Enlightenment found<br />
in the Koran, which had become available in<br />
translations into many European languages. 36<br />
The discovery of a near-rational faith in<br />
God, based on the reasoning and all-proving<br />
“Alcoran” left many thinkers, and some deists<br />
in particular, with an impression of Islam as<br />
an “ideal”, “reasonable” religion. 37 Many books<br />
were written about the issue. One of them was<br />
a tract by Henri de Boulainvillier (1658-1722),<br />
La vie de Mahomet, published posthumously<br />
in 1730 and translated into German in 1747. 38<br />
It argues that the Koran addresses believers<br />
as sensible, thinking individuals and appeals<br />
to their reason. However, Islam is in accord<br />
35 Nizar Samir Gara, Die Rezeption der Philosophie des<br />
Aristoteles im Islam, Diss. Heidelberg 2003, pp. 15 ff. Cp. also<br />
Carl H. Becker, Das Erbe der Antike im Orient und Okzident,<br />
Leipzig 1931.<br />
36 As early as 1746, a German translation of the 1734 version<br />
by George Sale, an English lawyer, was available to interested<br />
readers. In 1772, the fi rst direct translation from Arabic was<br />
published in Frankfurt am Main, entitled “The Turkish Bible”<br />
(Die türkische Bibel, oder des Korans allererste teutsche<br />
Übersetzung) and translated by David Friedrich Megerlin.<br />
There is no proof that this edition was in the Mannheim court<br />
library; however, it was spectacularly successful, and it may<br />
be safely assumed that the Palatine court was aware of its<br />
existence.<br />
37 Diethelm Balke, “Orient und Orientalische Literaturen.<br />
Einfl uß auf Europa und Deutschland”, in: Reallexikon der<br />
deutschen Literaturgeschichte, Berlin 1965, vol. 2, pp. 816-868,<br />
particularly p. 828. At the same time, there were very different<br />
interpretations of Islam too. In Voltaire’s writings, it became a<br />
paradigm of the fanaticism inherent in every religion, and was<br />
described in terms considered anathema to Enlightenment:<br />
“superstition”, “enthusiasm” and “fanaticism”. “Enthusiasm”<br />
may describe a state of religious frenzy but also and more<br />
generally an unhealthy, feverish imagination. “Fanaticism”, in<br />
Voltaire’s eyes a synonym of “superstition”, was aimed mainly<br />
at the unenlightened obscurantism of the Catholic church. To<br />
Leibniz, “fanaticism” was evidenced by a tendency to rely on<br />
immediate strong feeling, unchecked by reason – fanaticism<br />
was thus a lack of clear thinking. In applying these terms to<br />
Islam, Islam becomes a religion devoid of reason.<br />
38 Henri de Boulainvilliers, Das Leben des Mahomeds mit historischen<br />
Anmerkungen über die Mahomedanische Religion<br />
und die Gewohnheiten der Muselmänner, Lemgo 1747.