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II. - Schloss Schwetzingen

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<strong>II</strong>I.<br />

90<br />

<strong>II</strong>I. <strong>Schwetzingen</strong> – Historical Context<br />

cruel fate. 7 It was not to be. Carl Theodor and,<br />

with him, his glittering court and famous<br />

orchestra, left the town, which as a result lost<br />

direct access to the monarch and vital cultural<br />

impulses. The departure of the court also<br />

meant a severe economic setback, not only<br />

for Mannheim, but also for the Frankenthal<br />

industries, fi rst and foremost for the porcelain<br />

manufacture, which now had to compete with<br />

its Bavarian counterpart.<br />

The late 1780s also saw violent local upheavals,<br />

obviously infl uenced by the events in<br />

France, where the “inalienable rights” of all<br />

humans were invoked. Despite such ominous<br />

“grumbles”, the Elector, frightened by riots in<br />

Munich, returned to Mannheim for almost<br />

a year in 1788/89. It was rumoured that<br />

he wanted to move back his court to the<br />

Palatinate. But things had changed: his long<br />

absence had gradually weakened the ties<br />

between the Mannheim and Palatine population<br />

and the ruling house. As Sophie von La<br />

Roche put it, 8 those Mannheimers who “expect<br />

laughter and festivities” from their monarch<br />

were deeply disappointed when Carl Theodor<br />

fi nally decided to move back to Munich. “The<br />

Elector is publicly abused in the most vicious<br />

terms” 9 , the Austrian ambassador reported<br />

-- again a sign of a time that witnessed the<br />

storming of the Bastille a month later. At<br />

fi rst, the French revolution found many a<br />

sympathetic observer in the Elector Palatine’s<br />

lands, and riots erupted in various parts of the<br />

country. The government tried to counter this<br />

develpoment by censorship and the imprisonment<br />

of “dangerous” people. However, when<br />

the revolutionary armies began to invade the<br />

electorate and, quite indiscriminately, looted<br />

the posessions of aristocrats, wealthy farmers,<br />

enligthened civil servants and even the poor,<br />

the sympathies waned. The vast majority of<br />

the population just wanted to survive.<br />

7 Memoirs of Stefan von Stengel (ed. G. Ebersold) (Schriften<br />

der Gesellschaft der Freunde Mannheims, vol. 23), Mannheim<br />

1993, p. 100 f.<br />

8 Quoted in: Ingeborg Görler (Ed.), So sahen sie Mannheim,<br />

Stuttgart 1974, p. 54.<br />

9 Despatch of Count Lehrbach, June 7, 1789, quoted in Friedrich<br />

Walter, Mannheim in Geschichte und Gegenwart, vol. 1,<br />

Mannheim 1907, p. 774.<br />

By 1798, the whole of the Palatine territories<br />

on the left bank of the Rhine had fallen into<br />

French hands and remained part of the French<br />

Republic and Napoleon’s Empire until 1814.<br />

The remaining “rump-electorate”, heavily<br />

burdened by debts Carl Theodor had incurred<br />

during the revolutionary wars, was abandoned<br />

by the Wittelsbachs and given to the new<br />

Electorate and later Grand-Dukedom of Baden,<br />

under the “Reichsdeputationshauptschluß” in<br />

1802/03. Attempts of Bavaria to recuperate<br />

the lands between Mannheim and Heidelberg<br />

after 1815 failed. Thus, the Rhine remained<br />

the border between the Bavarian new “Palatinate”<br />

created by the Congress of Vienna and<br />

Baden.<br />

The downfall of the German monarchies after<br />

1918, paved the way to ideas to redraw the<br />

borders of the German states. Some notable<br />

reformers in and around Mannheim claimed:<br />

“The Rhine should no longer be a border”<br />

between lands, that were closely bound up<br />

with each other through history and economic<br />

development. These ideas were taken up<br />

after the second World War. However, as the<br />

Palatinate and Northern Baden belonged to<br />

different zones (French and American), the<br />

attempts to form a German state comprising<br />

the formerly Palatine lands on the left and<br />

right bank of the Rhine failed. Instead, a<br />

regional network, supported by municipalities<br />

and big industry was founded, that in the past<br />

decades has achieved some notable successes<br />

to create common institutions (regional public<br />

transport, cultural events etc.). In 2005, the<br />

“Rhine-Neckar-triangle”, as it has come to be<br />

called, was accorded the status of a “European<br />

Metropolitan Region”. At its heart are situated<br />

the former electoral residences in Mannheim,<br />

<strong>Schwetzingen</strong> and Oggersheim.<br />

(Stefan Mörz)

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