AN AUGURY OF REVOLUTION: THE IRANIAN STUDENT ...
AN AUGURY OF REVOLUTION: THE IRANIAN STUDENT ...
AN AUGURY OF REVOLUTION: THE IRANIAN STUDENT ...
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epresented a wide variety of political groups. 98 Like the National Front, the ISAUS in 1960 was<br />
a loose coalition of Iranians who professed liberal democratic beliefs and were against foreign<br />
intervention of any kind in Iran. 99 American diplomats in Tehran believed that it was “surprising<br />
and also refreshing to find that idealism and especially a belief in civil liberties and democratic<br />
government are sincerely held by so many young people; but these beliefs are often coupled with<br />
such violent attitudes toward the government and sometimes with such radical nationalism that<br />
one may have doubts that these young people, if they were propelled into authority,…would act<br />
responsibly in foreign affairs.” 100 Responsible behavior, according to Washington, meant not<br />
having cordial relations with the Soviet Union, or taking a neutral stance in the Cold War.<br />
On 6 July 1960, the National Security Council concluded a study that stressed the<br />
negative implications for U.S. foreign policy if Iran adopted a neutral position in the Cold War or<br />
looked to the USSR for assistance. 101<br />
Positive non-alignment was exactly the stance that ISAUS<br />
adopted in 1960. 102 The United States feared the influence of non-alignment on the people of the<br />
developing world, but in the case of the ISAUS, Washington had to contend with a non-aligned<br />
98 The most influential members of the National Front came from one of five political parties. These included the<br />
Iran Party. It was a progressive nationalist party that was headed by Karim Sanjabi and Allahyar Saleh who were<br />
anti-Soviet leftist intellectuals. Another main component of the National front was the Toilers’ Party, which was led<br />
by Mozaffar Baqai and Khalel Maleki. This was also a leftist intellectual group, but there were a good deal of the<br />
working class involved with this party. The rest of the working class who were loyal to the National Front were part<br />
of the Iranian Workers Party. Another group that was led by Ayatollah Abul Qassem Kashani, was the Mojahadin-<br />
I-Islam, which consisted of bazaar workers and the clergy. The last group that was involved with the National Front<br />
was the Pan-Iranist Party, which was an extremely nationalistic group consisting mainly of outcast members of the<br />
lower classes. All of this information can be found in “C.C. Finch Conversation with Dr. Sepahbodi,” DNSA, Iran<br />
Revolution, 10 December 1951, Memorandum Tehran, IR00269. Also refer to Mark Gasiorowski, “The 1953 Coup<br />
D’etat in Iran,” 262.<br />
99 Bill, The Eagle and the Lion, 54; Matin-asgari, Iranian Student Opposition to the Shah, 39.<br />
100 “The Iranian Intellectual Community,” DNSA, 21 December 1963.<br />
101 National Security Report, “U.S. Policy Toward Iran,” 6 July 1960, FRUS, 1958-1960, Volume XII, Near East<br />
Region; Iraq; Iran; Arabian Peninsula (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1993), 681-8.<br />
102 Donald N. Wilber, Contemporary Iran (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Inc., 1963), 154; Positive alignment<br />
was also referred to as nonalignment. The Nonaligned Movement was conceived at the Bandung Conference in<br />
1955. Iranian leftists who did not adhere to Soviet-style Communism , such as Khalil Maleki, referred to themselves<br />
as a “Third Force.” For more on Maleki see: Homa Katouzian, “The Strange Politics of Khalil Maleki,” in Stephanie<br />
Cronin, ed., Reformers and Revolutionaries in Modern Iran: New Perspectives on the Iranian Left (New York:<br />
Routledge Curzon, 2004), 165-88.<br />
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