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MULTIPLE IDENTITIES VIA SPIRITUALITY, HISTORIES AND CULTURAL RE-PRESENTATIONS 175“Musyawarah”, as explained by a former IndonesianForeign Minister, means a setting in which negotiationwould be considered “not as between opponents but asbetween friends and brothers” (Acharya 2000, 128).As members of a family, the ASEAN countries havenever used Articles 13 to 17 under Chapter IV ofTAC, in the settlement of disputes. According to thisTreaty, whenever there are disputes among countries,there will be a High Council consisting of aministerial-level representative from each memberstate that will take appropriate measures andencourage direct negotiations for a peacefulsettlement. However, until now, the ASEAN membershave never called a meeting of the High Council,though there had been a number of disputes amongthem. Almost all disputes among ASEAN memberswere solved in an informal way, without resorting toformal, multilateral measures.The other example of the ASEAN way of informalitywas its relatively small bureaucratic apparatus reflectedin the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta, although therehave been about 700 meetings of different levels ofASEAN officials.Despite the fact that ASEAN had had to adapt to anew environment and situation by issuing legalisticdocuments, “soft regionalism” based on consultationand consensus remained the most important norm forASEAN.The six norms mentioned above provide the basis forfour main principles of ASEAN. The first principle is“open regionalism” which means avoidance ofdiscrimination among intra and extra regional actors,mutual commitments, and non-exclusive ordermaintenance. The second principle is “cooperativesecurity” which means the opposite of a military blocthat implies exclusive membership, non-interference,respect for national identity, and territorial integrity.“Soft rule” is the third principle which means a nonlegalisticapproach to cooperation, a looseorganizational structure, non-binding decisionmaking,networks, and the absence of any supranationalagencies. The last principle is “consensusbuilding” which means moving forward by establishingbroad support (Acharya 1997).Despite the success of the ASEAN way, it faced a lot ofcritics. According to Estrella Solidum (1974) from thePhilippines, the cooperation among ASEAN memberswould be more realistic and successful if it dealt with“safe” or non-sensitive issues. Because of theheterogeneous polities of ASEAN members, suchmatters of high politics like the establishment ofmilitary alliances or common markets would not besuitable to the early phase of cooperation. Malaysianexpert Pushpa Thambipillai (1980) presented thepoint that ASEAN countries would not follow theprocess of community building as Karl Deutsch (1957)prescribed, not striving to build political communitywhenever there is according to Deutsch (1957, 6):“formal merger of two or more previously independentunits into a single larger unit, with some type ofcommon government after amalgamation”, but wouldprefer to preserve their own autonomy. Consequently,although the level and scope of interdependenceamong ASEAN members had been increasing, themember states of ASEAN still try to maintain theirown identities by supporting the principle of noninterferencein internal affairs.The most important explanation for the obstaclesencountered in the course of building a commonidentity would be the historical burdens. According toKorean expert Ching-si Ahn (1980), the explanationbehind the slow process of regionalism of SoutheastAsia could be found in its bitter memories ofcolonialism and the Second World War. ASEANmembers are very reluctant to give up their sovereigntyand independence, the achievement of which entaileda long, tough battle. The ASEAN secretariat continuesnot to make any decisions for or on behalf of itsmember states.Until the outbreak of the Asian financial crisis in1997, there had been a strong belief in the ASEANway of informal, soft, non-binding procedures. Thenthe crisis showed how ineffectively ASEAN wasworking and thus put an end to the procedures ofASEAN ideal model of development before depressionand disintegration could set in. There were differentpoints of view regarding this development, but onething was clear: ASEAN lacked the economicresources and the institutional mechanisms to dealwith the financial crisis. The third point of view sawthe crisis as a chance for ASEAN to revitalize its spiritby developing new mechanisms of cooperation forAsia-Pacific and sub-regional levels like the ASEANPlus Three Forum.Following the crisis, Thailand, with the support of thePhilippines, proposed that ASEAN’s non-interferenceprinciple should be replaced by so-called “flexibleengagement”. This idea was, however, not accepted bymajority of ASEAN members, but was neverthelessThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows
176 Panel 4believed in by then future ASEAN General SecretarySurin Pitsuvan (1998) observed:In 31 years, diversity has become a problem forASEAN… Diversity, which used to be a source ofstrength, has become a source of weakness… Wehave no freedom and flexibility of expressing ourviews concerning some members. We have to besilent because we are members of the family.This is not fair, not just.Since the end of the Cold War, ASEAN has witnesseda period whose emerging post-Cold War politicoeconomicstructure Philip Cerny (2006) hascharacterized as being neo-medieval, whereby thetransnational character of global exchangesundermines the traditional border and allegiances ofthe nation-states and “de-concentrates” loyalty as itderacinates identities.In 2007, after four decades of existence, ASEAN couldapprove for the first time the most importantdocument of Association: the ASEAN Charter whichprovided ASEAN a legal personality as an intergovernmentalorganization. This personality serves asthe organizational identity, distinguished from theidentities of its individual member states (ASEANSecretariat 2011). The Charter is not only areassertion of traditional practice, but is also a new call“to strengthen democracy, enhance good governanceand the rule of law, and protect human rights andfundamental freedoms…” (ASEAN Charter 2010, 4).It is, as well, a call to commit the Association toestablishing an “ASEAN human rights body”(ASEAN 2010, 19).Despite some renewal changes in its institutionalmeasures and mechanisms, ASEAN is a state-drivenprocess rooted in the consciousness of relative power,rather than a normatively regulated process. Its centralobjective was, and remains, the pragmatic one ofsustaining regional order (Jones 2008).In order to achieve a shared regional identity, theVision of ASEAN suggests the enhancement of“human resource development in all sectors of theeconomy through quality education, upgrading ofskills and capabilities, and training” (ASEANSecretariat 2011). Without education, there are anumber of policies that would not be achieved, forexample, “creating a zone of peace …respect for law andjustice…economic development strategies in line withthe aspiration of respective peoples…reduced povertyand socio-economic disparities …governance with theconsent and greater participation of the people”(ASEAN Secretariat 2011). The education policy willfocus on the following categories: an educationrepresentational structure to help regional educationdirections; civic education for multicultural society;and language and cultural issues (ASEAN Secretariat2011).The future of ASEAN depends much on educationand the perception of young people. In 2007, a studycarried out by Eric Thompson and ChulaneeThianthai in ten countries showed differentperceptions and attitudes of students toward ASEAN.More than 75 percent of the 2,170 surveyed agreedwith the statement “I feel I am a citizen of ASEAN”.This sentiment was strongest in Laos (96.0%),Cambodia (92.7%) and Vietnam (91.7%); and wasweakest in Singapore (49.3%) and Myanmar (59.5%)(ASEAN Foundation 2008, 4-5). On the question: “Ingeneral, how familiar are you with ASEAN?”, only60.7% of the students considered themselves “very orsomewhat familiar with ASEAN”. If students fromVietnam and Laos showed their very good knowledgeof ASEAN at 88.6% and 84.5%, respectively, some90.3% of students from Myanmar and 49.7% fromSingapore said they were a little familiar or not at allfamiliar with ASEAN (ASEAN Foundation 2007,6-7).On the issues crucial to cooperation, there were verydiverse responses from the students across countries.In general, poverty reduction, education exchange andimprovement, and science and technologydevelopment ranked highest among the issues.Students from Brunei and Malaysia considered healthand disease control the most important, while thosefrom Cambodia and Vietnam considered them theleast important. If students across the region foundnatural resource and environmental managementmoderately important for ASEAN, the majority ofthem considered cultural preservation and promotionthe least important issues (ASEAN Foundation 2007,17).Ever since the end of the Cold War, ASEAN seemedto have been facing more challenges, among themtraditional and non-traditional security, competitionbetween big powers, and, last but not least, the rise ofChina. On the one hand, during the last decade, Chinabecame the most important trade partner, ODAprovider, and FDI investor for almost all ASEANThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows
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CULTURE, POWER AND PRACTICES:THE GL
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viABOUT THE BOOKCULTURE, POWER AND
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viiiACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThe API Coordin
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x(co-authored with Gunawan Wiradi,
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xiiSri Wahyuni is the director of t
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xivThe gap between rich and poor is
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xviand development mainly: Economy,
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xviiiIn closing, I would like to qu
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xxmovements to defend their rights,
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xxiicomplex relationships between f
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xxivIndonesian Academy of Social Sc
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MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION
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POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PR
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58 Panel 2(Left) Kurazukuri are anc
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FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND
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OPENING REMARKS AND OVERVIEWDr. Rat
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247There is also a massive movement
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249need to be looked at, as globali
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251Appendix IWorkshop ScheduleThe T
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25313:00 - 15:00 Concluding PanelCh
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255THAILANDAroon Puritat, Artist an
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257RAPPORTEURSGarry MorrisonMarian
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Communication, Education and Public
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261have used tourism as a mechanism
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263Panel 4: Multiple Modernities vi
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265out how Asian women politicians
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267CONTACT DETAILS (as of March 201
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