FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE205Initially, the labor migration framework of thePhilippine government viewed overseas migration as atemporary remedy for a long-standing problem.However, what started as an employment stopgap inthe 1970s has become an enduring feature of thePhilippine political economy. Today the Philippines isconsidered the second largest labor exporting countryin the world, deploying millions of workers foroverseas employment and developing an economy thatis propped up significantly by migration andremittances from Filipinos abroad. From 350,000workers deployed in 1984, the Philippines todaydeploy over a million workers for employment abroadeach year. With temporary labor exports serving as akey pillar of the government’s employment generationstrategy, the amount of remittances also significantlyincreased over the years, sustaining an economy thathas become dependent on labor export. By 2010, thetotal amount of remittances rose to US $18.76 billion,sent to the Philippines from over 200 destinationcountries where almost 10 million Filipinos are livingand working.According to stock estimates from the Philippinegovernment, in 2009 Filipinos overseas were made upof 4 million permanent migrants, 3.86 milliontemporary migrants and 658,370 irregular migrants.For the same year, the figures showed roughly 240,000Filipino migrants in both Malaysia and Japan,although the two countries differed in terms of thecomposition of migrants. In Malaysia, there were243,877 Filipinos of which 26,002 were permanent,89,875 were temporary and 128,000 were irregular. InJapan, there were 210,617 Filipino migrants, made upof 146,488 permanent migrants, 29,559 temporarymigrants and 34,570 irregular migrants.Toward active citizenship: Community formation andsupport networksWithin this context, it is easy to lose sight of migrantworkers as key actors and agents in the migrationprocess. On top of statistics showing increasing flowsof migrants, the prevailing migration storyline alsoconsists of countless cases of exploitation, abuse, andtrafficking and illegal recruitment. In this respect,where migrant workers are readily depicted as victimswho are isolated and vulnerable, it is difficult toconceive any possibility of exercising political agencyor active citizenship. However, there are cases thatdemonstrate varying levels of mobilization andengagement among overseas communities navigatingtheir way through a challenging and constrainedmigration terrain.What is the view on the ground?Although the situation remains highly uneven, invarious cities that receive foreign workers, there arenumerous instances when migrants have attempted tocollectively confront the difficulties and issues theyface.In both Malaysia and Japan where I conducted myfieldwork, migrant compatriots have come together tobuild overseas communities and associations, initiallystemming from commonly cited concerns such asisolation and loneliness. In this regard, migrantassociations carry out events and get-togethers.Through these occasions, co-nationals meet andinteract with each other. They exchange information,practice and promote their culture and traditions,share their travails or successes, and offer support.These may easily be dismissed as “social clubs” or “eliteassociations” yet it cannot be denied that many ofthese activities serve as a significant part of migrants”lives abroad.When asked about their history and background,members of associations and communities I spokewith (based in both Malaysia and Japan) usually notedhow the experience of “being away from home”brought them together initially, prompting them toestablish venues where they could regularly gather. Asone Filipino leader in Malaysia pointed out, “we wantto lead peaceful and prosperous lives here, but lifeabroad is not easy. We need to help ourselves, helpeach other out, as kababayans”.Adjusting to life abroad is recognized as a challengeamong migrants, who have to deal with varying levelsof uncertainty, isolation, heavy regulation andvulnerability in an unfamiliar landscape where theyhave no existing family or support networks. Apartfrom loneliness and isolation, migrant Filipino groupsidentify a host of concerns and problems that typicallyarise in their areas. In Malaysia, where a number ofmigrants are domestic workers and factory laborers,this would include abuse and exploitation in theworkplace, contract substitution, illegal recruitment,confiscation of passports, harsh working and livingconditions, and disputes with agents. In Japan, wherethere are more permanent migrants and Filipinospouses, migrant Filipinos also point to domesticviolence and family concerns, language problems, laborThe Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows
206 Panel 5issues, relations with employers and specific casesrelated to vulnerable groups such as entertainers,trafficked or undocumented workers and Japanese-Filipino children.Beyond social and cultural gatherings, there are alsoinitiatives to address these concerns and extendassistance to compatriots. Although the most visibleactivities of many groups indeed tend to be moresocial/cultural get-togethers—“to keep in touch”—alot of these <strong>org</strong>anizations have evolved into morecomplex structures constituted to cover a range offunctions. Many of them have become formalized andsustained beyond the initial activity or goal thatbrought them together. For example, there are groupsthat started out of an idea to <strong>org</strong>anize a Filipino massin the area, and that eventually evolved as sustainedassociations, built around a general vision/mandate ofserving and representing co-nationals (kababayan orkapwa Pilipino) in the host community.In both Malaysia and Japan, many associations havetaken on the role of assisting compatriots in need,helping out in cases that cover more practical concernsof daily life abroad (translation, transitioning andsettling in), as well as legal and labor issues. Most of the<strong>org</strong>anizations I met described initiatives that covervarious arenas and serve a variety of purposes, whereformally stated and implied functions seem to looselycoincide. As such, whether in Malaysia or Japan, thesegroups play an important function in disseminatinginformation about work, news and updates, includingimportant announcements and legal developmentscoming from official sources such as the localgovernment or the embassy. As support groups, theytry to extend assistance and provide services that manymigrants do not have access to or information about.Some take on, handle or refer cases of women, statelesschildren, undocumented and irregular migrants,domestic workers. Organizations (both self-<strong>org</strong>anizedand those linked with NGOs) provide various types ofservices including translation, legal and medicalreferrals and visa and document processing, amongother forms of assistance.Maximizing Available SpacesOne noticeable aspect of migrant communityformation pertains to this tendency to maximizeavailable spaces. As migrant non-citizens, apart fromlack of access to services or usual platforms forparticipation or redress, most overseas workers alsohave very limited access to both physical andsociopolitical spaces that may be used for individual orcollective purposes. With their growing associations,migrant communities find ways to utilize/appropriateexisting spaces in order to carry out their expandingfunctions and activities. Reaching out to churchspaces,local governments and other NGO networks,migrant communities also explore different openingsthat can be tapped in line with their programs andobjectives.Church-related associations and activities provide aninteresting illustration of how these crosscuttingnetworks operate. Existing venues provide diversifyingand multidimensional functions for the Filipinomigrant population. As such these spaces reflect andare reshaped by situations migrants face andconditions they would like to address. The most visibleand commonly acknowledged evidence of Filipinomigrant networks revolve around spaces related to thechurch. The foremost piece of advice that I kepthearing as I was conducting this study was—“go tochurch, that’s where you’ll find them”. It was throughattending mass that I met my first contacts in Penang,and it was through referrals by contacts that I madethrough these networks that I was able to link up withother communities in other cities and prefectures inJapan.On the one hand, it cannot be denied that the churchprovides a venue for migrant Filipinos in differentcountries. At the same time, however, some featuresand uses of these venues, that is, beyond “religious”purposes, can sometimes be overlooked.Many Filipino migrants voluntarily attend and gatherfor Sunday mass, making the church a significant arenafor understanding migrant worker communityformation, mobilization and <strong>org</strong>anizing. Apart froman occasion to practice shared religious rituals, Sundaymass also functions as a venue for other social andcultural activities such as tea parties, celebrations andinformation dissemination, formally or informallydovetailed with church events. Individually, migrantworkers use this opportunity to meet up with othercompatriots, gather useful information regarding dailylife or consult about particular concerns that troublethem.It is also within such venues that many Filipinomigrants tend to formalize their involvements,establishing community and/or church groups thateventually represent and act on behalf of the Filipinopopulation in a given area.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows
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255THAILANDAroon Puritat, Artist an
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Communication, Education and Public
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261have used tourism as a mechanism
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267CONTACT DETAILS (as of March 201