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FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE211political economy of migration, not just individualcases or sectoral concerns.At the same time, on a more discursive level, somegroups also observe that self-help also unwittingly freesup the state and other parties that need to be heldaccountable, such as employers and agents, whoabandon their responsibilities and duties, some ofwhich end up in the hands of self-organizedassociations and non-government groups.While in the past, groups did step up to fill in the gapsstates have left off, there is now some realization thatthis does not necessarily mean that they ought to bearthe full burden of cases, while states and other partiesare freed up from these. Where in the past, groupswould automatically “pass the hat” to assist a conationalin need, now there’s more discussion that goesinto the support provided, as they ask questions suchas, “are we letting parties concerned off the hook as wedo this? Are we condoning practices that need to becorrected? How do we improve the way things aredone, with a longer term view of improving practicesand uneven relations?”This discussion on self-help also coincides with anobserved attitude of individual migrants to deal withissues on their own—rather than actively assert theirrights or find solutions to their concerns— whichmakes organizing and collective mobilizations morechallenging. Some migrant workers brush violationsaside, particularly when viewed along the lenses of“pamilya o prinsipyo,” (family or principles)—thisconstant reminder that they are abroad to work fortheir families foremost, where any other endeavors orpursuits may be viewed simply as unnecessarydistractions.On the level of organized communities however, thereis more critical engagement with other entities andassociations, as self-help seems to be redefined toinclude the assertion of claims on the state and otherresponsible parties, rather than just simply dealingwith the issues “on their own”. As earlier mentioned,some groups have started to tap into and link up withstate and local government agencies and institutions.This sort of synergy is most evident in some cities andprefectures in Japan, although hardly so in Malaysia,and the contrast can be attributed to differences inmigrant composition. As they redefine theirentitlements as members of local communities,claiming access to basic services such as health benefitsand other types of aid, some organizations have alsomade it a point to assert and engage with thePhilippine government, underscoring theresponsibilities of the state and their rights and dutiesas citizens, even while abroad.Having said this, as in any other community, divisionsand distinct interests of members also play themselvesout. Apart from being a support network, overseascommunities are also recognized as a consumer basefor growing businesses, as a clientele for otherinitiatives or ventures or simply as networks thatmembers can capitalize on for whatever purpose. It hasbeen noted that while migrant networks play a role inextending assistance to compatriots, there are alsosome unscrupulous members of the community whocould exploit this sense of shared identity for their owngain; as in cases of illegal recruitment or someemployment agents. Also, class and status divisions doplay a part (and at times inflect interactions or lead tothe creation of factions) even though these distinctionsare not explicitly discussed or pointed out by membersof migrant communities. It should be emphasized thatmigrant workers who have acquired more stable orpermanent arrangements are more likely to play anactive role in communities than new and shorter-termmigrants who also enjoy less mobility and resources toparticipate actively. In this regard, the diversity andsustainability noted among engagements of migrantcommunities in Japan, compared to Malaysia, can beattributed to particular mix or composition ofmigrants in these respective countries.Another key challenge noted by organizations in thisrespect pertains to exploring strategies that wouldenable migrant members to sustain involvementwithin this multi-arena, multifaceted set ofinterventions. As mentioned earlier, while groupsmaintain a level of dynamic activity, they are always onthe look-out to find better ways to bring in and capturethe imagination of a larger segment of the migrantpopulation. On the one hand, this is achieved bycarrying out relevant advocacies that reflect theirinterests and concerns. On the other hand, they alsomake use of information and communicationtechnologies and social networking tools to maintainvisibility and keep discussions going and informationsharingflowing. Since workers are also deemed as “toopreoccupied” or too isolated to get involved, currentthinking has it that they must be provided spaces toparticipate that are easily/readily accessible to them. Atthe same time, however, there is also an emphasis thatnothing substitutes for painstaking organizing andconsciousness-raising work.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows
212 Panel 5While migrant workers get onboard, where issues andactivities are found interesting and relevant, there isstill a lot of room to improve and promote collectiveaction, deepen solidarity, and enhance and sustaininitiatives. The cases identified here point to practicesand attempts to create formations or make use ofexisting venues for serving and mobilizing migrants.Some of these have begun to evolve as spaces forpolitical activity and collective agency, while othersoffer potent platforms, which may or may not serve asa precursor for other types of mobilizations.REFERENCESAguilar, Filomeno. 1999. The Triumph of InstrumentalistCitizenship? Migrations, Identities and the Nation-state inSoutheast Asia. Asian Studies Review, Volume 23, Number 3Ball, Rochelle, and Piper, Nicola. 1998. Globalisation and theregulation of citizenship— Filipino Migrant Workers in Japan.Political Geography, Vol 21, Issue 8, 1013-1034Basch, Linda, etal, eds. 1999. Nations Unbound: Transnationalprojects, postcolonial predicaments, and deterritorialized nationstates.New York: Routledge.Parrenas, Rhacel. 2011. Servants of Globalization: Women,migration and domestic work. California: Stanford UniversityPress.Shipper, Apichai. 2008. Fighting for Foreigners: Immigration andits impact on Japanese Democracy. New York: Cornell UniversityPressAya Fabros is a Filipino researcher whose areas of interestinclude the sociology of work and global labor, urban sociology,ethnography, and democratization and social movements. Shehas a Masters degree in Sociology and a Bachelor of Sciencedegree in Economics. She has written, edited, and co-editedseveral publications on political economy, globalization, localpolitics and governance in the Philippines and socialmovements.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows
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CULTURE, POWER AND PRACTICES:THE GL
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viABOUT THE BOOKCULTURE, POWER AND
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viiiACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThe API Coordin
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x(co-authored with Gunawan Wiradi,
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xiiSri Wahyuni is the director of t
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xivThe gap between rich and poor is
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xviand development mainly: Economy,
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xviiiIn closing, I would like to qu
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xxmovements to defend their rights,
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xxiicomplex relationships between f
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xxivIndonesian Academy of Social Sc
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MULTIPLE MODERNITIES: GLOBALIZATION
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POTENTIAL OF LOCAL KNOWLEDGE AND PR
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58 Panel 2(Left) Kurazukuri are anc
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Page 282 and 283: 255THAILANDAroon Puritat, Artist an
Page 284 and 285: 257RAPPORTEURSGarry MorrisonMarian
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261have used tourism as a mechanism
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263Panel 4: Multiple Modernities vi
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265out how Asian women politicians
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267CONTACT DETAILS (as of March 201
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