FLUX AND FLOWS OF PEOPLE, POWER AND PRACTICES: ISSUES RELATING TO SOCIAL JUSTICE207Many of the groups that I had a chance to observe areconnected with the church, formally or informally,and/or trace their origins in church-related work. Insome cases, the church leadership plays an active role ingathering and formalizing these associations, as part oftheir mission to assist migrants in their parishes andlocalities. In other instances, Filipino associationsemerged from a collective initiative to institute aFilipino or English mass in their areas.In addition, some church structures haveinstitutionalized their work with migrants by settingup centers or shelters for foreigners in need. Thesecenters offer several programs often beyond the scopeof traditional church activity, including foreign workerassistance and counseling, training and education,social advocacy and community buildinginterventions. Having said this, it is important toemphasize that where communities recognize thechurch’s role in their formation, the contribution andnature of interaction usually varies from place to place.For instance, some parishes in Japan have givenFilipino associations a portion of collections from theFilipino mass, which goes into their operational funds.Others have allowed “second collections” during mass,for specific causes, such as fund-raising drives forcalamity/relief donations back home, or even planetickets for undocumented Filipinos in detention. Thiswould depend of course on the disposition of churchleaders and the type of relationship they have withFilipino communities in their area. In a lot of cases Iencountered, Filipino association leaders also play keyfunctions within the church; as such, the links betweenthe two bodies appear symbiotic, where both partiescontribute to (and benefit from) the development andsustenance of each.The church space itself often serves as a physical venuefor many community related functions, such astraditional simbang gabi (night mass) observed byFilipinos around Christmas time, Flores de Mayo inMay or even Independence day celebrations in June. Inthis way, the church becomes an annex or at least achannel by which Filipinos are able to transplant,recreate and sustain practices that speak not just ofbeing Christian or Catholic, but also moreimportantly of being Filipino. Many Filipina wives andmothers recognize this space as an important sitewhere they can retreat and play out their ownpractices, as well as introduce their own children toFilipino culture.During these occasions, the level of <strong>org</strong>anization andthe intensity of involvement of members become veryevident, prompting me to inquire further whetherthese acts are in fact germinating expressions of activecitizenship within a constrained terrain, at least onoccasions where national identity seems to fosterincreased solidarity, participation, interaction andcommunity activity.For example, in December, Filipinos in Penang,through the PSG and related groups, set up ad hoccommittees to prepare and raise funds to bring in aFilipino priest from Manila, arrange for transportationto fetch participants from the households or factorieswhere they work, and sort out the logisticalrequirements for the nightly mass, held for nineconsecutive evenings. Groups of members orindividuals pitched in to bring food, donate prizes andrender performances for the event. During itsculmination, in what they dubbed Pinoy Christmas Joy,they also invited the Consul General to bedistinguished guest speaker and judge of the parolmakingcontest. This instance illustrates how social,traditional, cultural, national, or even political symbolsand meanings meld and intertwine within such a space.Similarly, in Japan in June, Sunday mass was set againsta backdrop of flags and doves, as Filipino parishionersused the occasion to commemorate PhilippineIndependence Day. The program included songs anddances, sharing of information and trivia and otheractivities intended to introduce Filipino culture andhistory to Japanese-Filipino children. Members andparishioners brought food to share, with each memberassigned a Filipino dish that represented the differentregions of the archipelago.These types of activities have been observed in variouslocations both in Malaysia and Japan, and set aroundimportant dates and significant practices observed athome. Such occasions are <strong>org</strong>anized not only for activemembers or <strong>org</strong>anizers but also with the generalFilipino populace in mind. By marking these occasionsyear after year as a community, associations are able toestablish their presence and legitimize their role.As seen here, in the case of Filipino communities, thechurch plays an important role in recognizing andresponding to migrant concerns, oftentimesreconfiguring their religious work and interaction withcommunity formations to accommodate migrantissues and cases.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows
208 Panel 5At the same time, Filipino community formations(emerging from restricted settings) seem to bemaximizing available venues, for example, where thechurch has also been appropriated as a physical, sociocultural,“national” space for Filipino migrants. Whilegiving them opportunities for “bonding” (as someFilipino leaders call it), these in turn usually offeroccasions for deepening community formations, orcreating and formalizing support groups andassociations, for and by migrants, focusing on theirneeds and concerns, however they may define it intheir respective localities.NGOs and Local Support NetworksAside from church-related spaces, migrant ethnicassociations also operate within a larger constellationof actors and agencies, including national and regionalNGO networks, unions and local government bodies.There are Malaysian and Japanese non-government<strong>org</strong>anizations that aim to provide support to foreignnationals residing and working in their countries.Apart from extending specific forms of assistance—daily living assistance, domestic violence interventionslegal aid, arbitration, information and education, laborcase support, translation and facilitation services,medical assistance and other basic services—thesegroups may also engage in legislative and policyadvocacy, and nationwide campaigns. Moreover, looseformations, such as MWG in Malaysia and SMJ inJapan to which some migrant communities areindirectly or directly connected, gather like-minded<strong>org</strong>anizations in regular discussions that tackle criticalissues and emerging developments in migration, attimes rallying around common platforms andcollaborative engagements.By linking up with these formations, self-<strong>org</strong>anizedmigrant <strong>org</strong>anizations also enhance their “capacity toassist” co-nationals, extending the range of servicesthey may offer (or refer) to compatriots in need, bytapping other allied <strong>org</strong>anizations which specialize onparticular aspects and issues related to migrants. Forexample, the NGO Asian People Together establishedin Japan brings together local and migrant volunteersin the service of foreigners in the prefecture. As Iobserved, the NGO serves as a platform by whichmigrants can offer their services to other foreigners.The NGO extends a range of services includingtranslation, counseling, legal assistance, facilitation,workshops and referrals. In handling individual cases,the migrant community gains access to these services,which they might otherwise be unable to provide ontheir own. As such, migrant community volunteers areable to respond more effectively to individual cases.Moreover, through these networks, issues concerningmigrant workers on the ground are taken up on larger,mainstream, and more influential venues. In thisregard, self-<strong>org</strong>anized groups also function as focalpoints, through which relevant, up-to-dateinformation, and critical debates may be disseminatedto a wider audience of migrant workers on the ground.Here, policy questions and advocacy points could betaken up. Through these extended networks, self<strong>org</strong>anizingmay be situated within a broader practical,political and discursive terrain that goes beyondhandling of individual cases and holding particularevents.Local and Transnational InterventionsCommunity involvement, usually constructed as aform of service for the benefit of kababayans, can besituated within both a localized and transnationalframe. For one, community interventions may begeared toward compatriots (kababayan) locatedoverseas or at home.Here, the construction of the Filipino constituencyextends beyond their local area, even as the choice ofinterventions still tends to be rather localized, usuallysmall-scale and directed at hometowns and origincommunities.Apart from observing traditional and cultural events,some formations also <strong>org</strong>anize other activities for themigrant population in their areas, and/or for Filipinocommunities at home. For instance, variousassociations, including those so-called social clubs may<strong>org</strong>anize fund-raising events, such as bingo socials orconcerts, as an activity for socializing but also for thebenefit of communities in the Philippines. Proceedsgenerated from these activities are sent back home,for disaster victims or other beneficiaries suchas schoolchildren or women’s livelihood projectsimplemented in their hometowns.Many leaders from various communities shared storiesof their initiatives to help the victims of TyphoonOndoy. Others had begun initiating events for allforeigners in their area, not just Filipinos, creatingopportunities for the foreign populace to gather, sharetheir experiences and cultures, for instance throughannual events such as Migrant Sunday (Penang) orcasual tea parties.The Work of the 2010/2011 API Fellows
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CULTURE, POWER AND PRACTICES:THE GL
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viABOUT THE BOOKCULTURE, POWER AND
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viiiACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThe API Coordin
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x(co-authored with Gunawan Wiradi,
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257RAPPORTEURSGarry MorrisonMarian
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Communication, Education and Public
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261have used tourism as a mechanism
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263Panel 4: Multiple Modernities vi
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265out how Asian women politicians
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267CONTACT DETAILS (as of March 201