Access <strong>to</strong> <strong>health</strong>Discrimination as a barrier <strong>to</strong>accessing mental <strong>health</strong> careArticle by Graham ThornicroftAlthough each year up <strong>to</strong> 30% of <strong>the</strong> populationworldwide has some form of mental illness, at leasttwo thirds receive no treatment. This under-treatmen<strong>to</strong>ccurs even in countries with <strong>the</strong> best resources 1 . In <strong>the</strong> USA,for example, 31% of <strong>the</strong> population are affected by mentalillness every year, but 67% of <strong>the</strong>se individuals are nottreated 2 . Moreover, in Europe mental illness affects 27% ofpeople every year, 74% of whom receive no treatment 3 . Theproportions of people with mental illness who are treated inlow- <strong>and</strong> medium-resource countries (LAMIC) are far less, forexample a recent worldwide survey found that <strong>the</strong> proportionof respondents receiving mental <strong>health</strong> care over 12 monthswas as low as 1.6% in Nigeria, <strong>and</strong> that in most of <strong>the</strong> 17countries studied only a minority of people with severedisorder received treatment 4 .A WHO review of 37 studies across <strong>the</strong> world, for example,found that <strong>the</strong> proportion of people untreated for particularconditions is: schizophrenia 32.2%; depression 56.3%;dysthymia 56.0%; bipolar disorder 50.2%; panic disorder55.9%; generalized anxiety disorder 57.5%; <strong>and</strong> obsessivecompulsive disorder 57.3%; alcohol abuse <strong>and</strong> dependence78.1% 5-7 . Indeed in one particular study of depressed peoplein St Petersburg only 3% were treated 8 , both because of <strong>the</strong>low level of coverage of services, <strong>and</strong> because of dem<strong>and</strong>limiting fac<strong>to</strong>rs such as <strong>the</strong> need for out-of-pocket payments<strong>to</strong> afford treatment.Two contribu<strong>to</strong>ry fac<strong>to</strong>rs <strong>to</strong>wards this degree of neglect are(i) <strong>the</strong> reluctance of many people <strong>to</strong> seek help for mentalillness related problems because of <strong>the</strong>ir anticipation ofstigma should <strong>the</strong>y be diagnosed, <strong>and</strong> (ii) <strong>the</strong> reluctance ofmany people who do have a diagnosis of mental illness <strong>to</strong>advocate for better mental <strong>health</strong> care for fear of shame <strong>and</strong>rejection if <strong>the</strong>y disclose <strong>the</strong>ir condition 1 .Stigma: a combination of ignorance,prejudice <strong>and</strong> discriminationStigma is a term which has evaded clear, operationaldefinition 9-12 . It can be considered as an amalgamation ofthree related problems: a lack of knowledge (ignorance <strong>and</strong>misinformation), negative attitudes (prejudice), <strong>and</strong> excludingor avoiding behaviours (discrimination) 13-17 . The combinationof <strong>the</strong>se three elements has a powerful force for <strong>social</strong>exclusion 13 . Indeed <strong>the</strong>re is no known country, society orculture in which people with mental illness with a diagnosisare considered <strong>to</strong> have <strong>the</strong> same value <strong>and</strong> <strong>to</strong> be asacceptable as people who do not have mental illness.Second, <strong>the</strong> quality of information that we have is relativelypoor, with very few comparative studies between countries orover time. Third, <strong>the</strong>re do seem <strong>to</strong> be clear links betweenpopular underst<strong>and</strong>ings of <strong>the</strong> meaning of a diagnosis ofmental illness, if people in mental distress want <strong>to</strong> seek help,<strong>and</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y feel able <strong>to</strong> disclose <strong>the</strong>ir problems 18 . Thecore experiences of shame (<strong>to</strong> oneself <strong>and</strong> one’s family) <strong>and</strong>blame (from o<strong>the</strong>rs) are common everywhere stigma hasbeen studied, but <strong>to</strong> differing extents. Where comparisonswith o<strong>the</strong>r conditions have been made, <strong>the</strong>n people with adiagnosis of mental illnesses are more, or far more,stigmatized 19,20 , <strong>and</strong> have been referred <strong>to</strong> as <strong>the</strong> “ultimatestigma” 21 . Finally, rejection <strong>and</strong> avoidance of people with adiagnosis of mental illness appear <strong>to</strong> be universalphenomenon, <strong>and</strong> a recent study of terms used by schoolchildren <strong>to</strong> refer <strong>to</strong> mental illness revealed 250 differentwords <strong>and</strong> phrases, none of which are positive 22 .Limited access <strong>to</strong> mental <strong>health</strong> careIt is only recently that <strong>the</strong> full potency of such barriers <strong>to</strong>finding treatment <strong>and</strong> care have been recognized 23 . Forexample, studies from several countries have consistentlyfound that even after a family member has developed clearcutsigns of a psychotic disorder, on average it is over a yearuntil <strong>the</strong> unwell person first receives assessment <strong>and</strong>treatment 24-26 . A survey of almost 10 000 adults in <strong>the</strong> USAhas added more detail <strong>to</strong> this picture. The results showed that<strong>the</strong> majority of people with mental disorders eventuallycontact treatment services, but <strong>the</strong>y often wait a long timebefore doing so: with average delays before seeking help ofeight years for mood disorders, <strong>and</strong> at least nine years foranxiety disorders. People who wait longer than average beforereceiving care are more likely <strong>to</strong> be young, old, male, poorlyeducated, or a member of a racial/ethnic minority 27 .Where do people go <strong>to</strong> try <strong>to</strong> find help? The detailed USsurvey just mentioned also asked this question <strong>and</strong> producedsome surprising answers. Only about one third (41%) ofpeople who had experienced mental illness in <strong>the</strong> previousyear had received any treatment: 12% from a psychiatrist,16% from a non-psychiatric mental <strong>health</strong> specialist, 23%treated by a general medical practitioner, 8% from a <strong>social</strong>services professional <strong>and</strong> 7% from a complementary oralternative medical provider. In terms of treatment adequacy,mental <strong>health</strong> specialists provided care that was at least062 ✜ Global Forum Update on Research for Health Volume 4
Access <strong>to</strong> <strong>health</strong>reasonable in about half (48%) of <strong>the</strong> cases <strong>the</strong>y say, whilein primary care only 13% of people treated received care thatwas adequate. Unmet needs were greater for <strong>the</strong> poor: olderpeople, minority ethnic groups, those with low incomes orwithout insurance, <strong>and</strong> residents of rural areas 28 . The studyconcluded that “most people with mental disorders in <strong>the</strong>United States remain ei<strong>the</strong>r untreated or poorly treated”. 28It is wrong <strong>to</strong> think that <strong>health</strong> services are usually <strong>the</strong> firstport of call when people want help for mental illness. In <strong>the</strong>national survey referred <strong>to</strong> above, a quarter of people whosought help first went <strong>to</strong> a member of <strong>the</strong> clergy. This patternseems <strong>to</strong> be remarkably stable: <strong>and</strong> applied <strong>to</strong> 31% in <strong>the</strong>1950s <strong>and</strong> <strong>to</strong> 24% in <strong>the</strong> 1990s. Indeed more people firstwent <strong>to</strong> a faith leader for help than went <strong>to</strong> a psychiatrist(17%), or <strong>to</strong> a general medical practitioner (17%) 29 .On what basis do people judge where <strong>to</strong> go for help? Alarge national survey in Germany described vignettes ofpeople with depression or schizophrenia <strong>and</strong> asked abouthow <strong>to</strong> find help. Revealingly <strong>the</strong> general public thought thatmental <strong>health</strong> staff are useful for treating people withschizophrenia, but not for depression. The reason for this isthat most people felt that schizophrenia was caused bybiological or uncontrollable influences, while <strong>the</strong>y unders<strong>to</strong>oddepression <strong>to</strong> be a consequence of “<strong>social</strong> disintegration”(including unemployment, drug or alcohol misuse, maritaldiscord, family distress or <strong>social</strong> isolation) so that people withdepression were more often recommended <strong>to</strong> seek help <strong>and</strong><strong>social</strong> support from a friend or confidant 30 .This may go some way <strong>to</strong> explain why depression isessentially untreated in some countries. An internationalstudy of depression found that 0% of people with depressionin St Petersburg received evidence-based treatment inprimary care, <strong>and</strong> only 3% were referred on <strong>to</strong> specialistmental <strong>health</strong> care 31 . But <strong>the</strong> major barrier <strong>to</strong> care in thatRussian site was money: an inability <strong>to</strong> afford treatment costswas <strong>the</strong> main barrier <strong>to</strong> care for 75% of <strong>the</strong> depressedRussian patients studied.Even under better resourced conditions, it is known thatmost people with a mental illness in <strong>the</strong> USA do not seekassistance. An early national survey found that fewer thanone third of all mentally ill people received assessment <strong>and</strong>treatment, although <strong>the</strong> rate rose <strong>to</strong> 60% for people with adiagnosis of schizophrenia 28,32,33 . It is a paradox that eventhough two thirds of all adults with a mental illness wentuntreated, a half of those who did receive treatment did nothave a clear-cut mental illness 34 . Interestingly, <strong>the</strong> idea thatconditions which are less stigmatized (for example,depression compared with schizophrenia) are those whichare seen <strong>to</strong> be more treatable is not supported by <strong>the</strong> findingsof <strong>the</strong>se surveys 35 . So no single fac<strong>to</strong>r is enough <strong>to</strong> explaincomplex patterns of help-seeking. Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> weight ofevidence does suggest that even when <strong>the</strong>re are no majorfinancial barriers <strong>to</strong> care, that many people do not seek helpor minimize <strong>the</strong>ir contact with services in an attempt <strong>to</strong> avoidbeing labelled as mentally ill 36 .Particular groups may have even lower rates of treatmentfor mental disorders, <strong>and</strong> this applies in particular <strong>to</strong> AfricanAmericans in <strong>the</strong> USA or <strong>to</strong> Black Caribbean groupsin <strong>the</strong> UK 37 . Several American studies suggest that AfricanAmericans receive mental <strong>health</strong> care about half as often aswhite people 38-40 , even though <strong>the</strong>y have higher rates of somemental disorders 41,42 . Several important barriers <strong>to</strong> care canincrease <strong>the</strong> impact of mental illnesses among blackcommunities in Britain <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> USA. These fac<strong>to</strong>rs have beendescribed as: socio-cultural (<strong>health</strong> beliefs <strong>and</strong> mistrust ofservices), systemic (lack of culturally competent practices inmental <strong>health</strong> services) 43 , economic (lack of <strong>health</strong> insurance)or individual barriers (denial of mental <strong>health</strong> problems) 44 .The interplay of <strong>the</strong>se fac<strong>to</strong>rs produces <strong>the</strong> contradic<strong>to</strong>rysituation in which black groups may have higher rates ofmany mental illnesses, lower rates of general referral <strong>and</strong>treatment, but higher rates of compulsory treatment <strong>and</strong>forensic service contact 45;46 . In <strong>the</strong> USA patterns of contactwith mental <strong>health</strong> services are in some ways different forblack <strong>and</strong> white people. Black people with a mental illnessare more likely <strong>to</strong> seek help if <strong>the</strong>ir families are supportive,<strong>and</strong> if a family member has had a positive personalexperience of mental <strong>health</strong> care. In one study <strong>the</strong>y did notview mental <strong>health</strong> on a continuum of well-being, but tended<strong>to</strong> think of <strong>the</strong>mselves as ei<strong>the</strong>r mentally <strong>health</strong>y or mentallyill. Many interviewees said <strong>the</strong>y did not think <strong>the</strong>y were“crazy”, <strong>the</strong>refore <strong>the</strong>y did not seek mental-<strong>health</strong> services 47 .Also <strong>the</strong>re was little information about mental-<strong>health</strong> servicesin <strong>the</strong> African-American community. Most people intervieweddid not learn about available mental-<strong>health</strong> services until <strong>the</strong>irconditions had become severe 42 . There is an importantgeneral point here that we shall return <strong>to</strong> repeatedly in thisbook: that most people of all cultures have relatively littleaccurate <strong>and</strong> useful knowledge about mental illness.Such feelings, at best of ambivalence, <strong>and</strong> at worst ofdeliberate avoidance of treatment <strong>and</strong> care for fear of stigma,have been found throughout <strong>the</strong> world. For instance, a studyof Muslim Arab female university students in Jordan, <strong>the</strong>United Arab Emirates <strong>and</strong> Israel, for example, found that formost of <strong>the</strong>se women <strong>the</strong>ir first resort was <strong>to</strong> turn <strong>to</strong> Godthrough prayer during times of psychological distress, ra<strong>the</strong>rthan <strong>to</strong> seek help from <strong>health</strong> or <strong>social</strong> care agencies 48 . Astrong reluctance <strong>to</strong> be seen as mentally ill appears <strong>to</strong> be auniversal phenomenon.Even in battle-hardened soldiers stigma is a powerfulfac<strong>to</strong>r. Over 3000 military staff from US Army or MarineCorps units were anonymously surveyed three <strong>to</strong> four monthsafter <strong>the</strong>ir return from combat duty in Iraq or Afghanistan.They were assessed for depression, anxiety or post-traumaticstress disorder (PTSD). Most of <strong>the</strong> unwell soldiers (60–77%)did not seek mental <strong>health</strong> care, largely related <strong>to</strong> concernsabout possible stigmatization 49 .Why do so many people try so hard <strong>to</strong> avoid contactingpsychiatric services? People who are starting <strong>to</strong> havesymp<strong>to</strong>ms of mental illness are also members of <strong>the</strong> generalpopulation <strong>and</strong> share <strong>the</strong> same pool of information aboutpsychiatric disorders. The following common beliefs arelikely <strong>to</strong> reduce <strong>the</strong>ir likelihood of seeking help: thatpsychiatric treatments are ineffective 50 ; that o<strong>the</strong>rs wouldreact with avoidance; or that a person should solve <strong>the</strong>irown problems 51 . At <strong>the</strong> same time, strong familyGlobal Forum Update on Research for Health Volume 4 ✜ 063