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US Government Debt Different - Finance Department - University of ...

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Jeremy Kreisberg & Kelley O’Mara (Under the Supervision <strong>of</strong> Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Howell Jackson)under the Impoundment Control Act. When the D.C. Circuit in City<strong>of</strong> New Haven v. United States reviewed the original deferral language,it upheld “routine ‘programmatic’ deferrals . . . to meet the inevitablecontingencies that arise in administering congressionally-fundedagencies and programs,” but it declared that “‘policy’ deferrals, whichare intended to advance the broader fiscal policy objectives <strong>of</strong> theAdministration,” are unconstitutional. 216 The Act was amended withthe “contingencies” language to reflect this distinction and permitonly “programmatic” deferrals. 217 Therefore, “[d]eferrals for policyreasons are not authorized.” 218289Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Peter Shane writes that prioritization through “pro–grammatic deferral” would be “deeply ironic” because “the Presidentcould select expenditures to defer or not defer only by making policyjudgments about spending levels that are different from the policyjudgments that Congress enacted in its appropriations Acts.” 219However, Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Shane argues that the President would have noother option and he “would have to decide, on his own initiative,what projects and activities to put on hold to keep from violatingthe law. Congress would thus have tacitly abdicated to the executivebranch a huge swath <strong>of</strong> the power over government fiscal policy thatthe Framers quite deliberately vested in Congress.” 220Partially due to the Administration’s hesitance to discuss the issueduring debt limit negotiations, it is unknown if the Executive Branchwould have acted on this putative prioritization authority. However,it is clear that Treasury had a distaste for prioritizing. 221 Secretary216809 F.2d at 901. “The critical distinction between ‘programmatic’ and ‘policy’ deferrals isthat the former are ordinarily intended to advance congressional budgetary policies by ensuringthat congressional programs are administered efficiently, while the latter are ordinarily intendedto negate the will <strong>of</strong> Congress by substituting the fiscal policies <strong>of</strong> the Executive Branchfor those established by the enactment <strong>of</strong> budget legislation.”217See Letter from Milton J. Socolar for the Comptroller General <strong>of</strong> the United States, to thePresident <strong>of</strong> the Senate and the Speaker <strong>of</strong> the House <strong>of</strong> Representatives (Mar. 6, 1990) (availableat http://www.gao.gov/assets/220/212244.pdf).218U.S. General Accounting Office, Principles <strong>of</strong> Federal Appropriations Law: Third Edition,Volume I, 1-32 fn. 61.219Peter M. Shane, What May a President Do if He Cannot Pay Our Bills Without Borrowing andBorrowing More Money is Unlawful?, Shane Reactions, July 19, 2011, http://shanereactions.wordpress.com/2011/07/19/what-may-a-president-do-if-he-cannot-pay-our-bills-withoutborrowing-and-borrowing-more-money-is-unlawful/.220Id.221See, e.g., Geithner, supra note 22; Wolin, supra note 191.

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