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kinds of <strong>knowledge</strong> led to negotiation of power relations between the disciplines.<br />

(Lingard L, Espin S, Evans C, Hawryluck L. (2004) The rules of the game:<br />

interprofessional collaboration on the intensive care unit team. Crit Care. 2004<br />

Dec;8(6):R403-8.)<br />

When we looked beyond the ‘functional’ multidisciplinary team, to contexts where<br />

medical research is the main focus, we were able to identify particular tensions<br />

between the open-ended nature of research, and the stricter definition of professional<br />

disciplinary responsibility. One of these came in a public health related context, from<br />

a research immunologist who described a joint scientific and clinical investigation of<br />

dementia in the population of a city <strong>with</strong> a substantial Bangladeshi population. There<br />

had been concerns that in Bangladeshi patients diagnosed <strong>with</strong> Alzheimer’s dementia,<br />

the condition advanced far more quickly than in the local European population.<br />

However research in the community was eventually able to attribute this to the fact<br />

that Bangladeshi families did not recognise early stage dementia as a disease,<br />

considering the symptoms to be a normal part of ageing. As a result, Bangladeshi<br />

people <strong>with</strong> Alzheimer’s only came to the attention of medical researchers when the<br />

disease was unusually far advanced. This difference in cultural perception had<br />

disrupted the disciplinary <strong>knowledge</strong> assumptions of those professional and research<br />

fields concerned <strong>with</strong> dementia care. This was recognised by the team as an<br />

innovative insight that had arisen from encounter across different <strong>knowledge</strong><br />

communities - here emphasised by the cross-cultural dimension alongside the<br />

interdisciplinary one. It appears that public health is particularly likely to result in<br />

such disruptions to disciplinary <strong>knowledge</strong>, however. The point in time where a<br />

patient is admitted to hospital also requires that the patient be ‘classified’ according to<br />

the hospital department that should own that patient, and hence according to the<br />

disciplinary descriptions and hierarchies that apply in that department. Up until the<br />

point that the patient is admitted, he or she is still a member of ‘the public’, and not<br />

necessarily subject to medical disciplinary descriptions. Presumably public health<br />

(and perhaps general practice, if conducted in a reflective manner) constantly<br />

encounters these undisciplined problems, in a way that raises the problem-directed<br />

<strong>innovation</strong> and boundary-breaking that other expert witnesses have noted during our<br />

research. The organisation of hospitals, just as much as the hierarchy in teams <strong>with</strong>in<br />

the hospital, may be an example of how to prevent the kinds of interdisciplinary<br />

<strong>innovation</strong> that we describe.<br />

We interviewed in depth a hospital-based clinician who is a member of an<br />

interdisciplinary clinical research unit, yet confirmed these observations. She<br />

described what she sees as an enormous cultural gap between scientists and clinicians,<br />

underpinned by a series of power games and prejudices, each about the others.<br />

Despite programmes spanning many years she sees this gulf today and likely to<br />

endure into the future. Her perception is that the role of the clinician is very much<br />

secondary in the eyes of the scientists. She chose her language carefully,<br />

encompassing ‘clinical’, ‘academic’, ‘scientist’ and ‘clinician’ to precisely distinguish<br />

between practitioners who seem to work along a spectrum from pure science to a<br />

focus primarily on clinical work. She agreed that clinical teams themselves<br />

Innovation and Interdisciplinarity 79

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