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Making of a German Constitution : a Slow Revolution

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100 • The <strong>Making</strong> <strong>of</strong> a <strong>German</strong> <strong>Constitution</strong>existence <strong>of</strong> the free Republic, eloquence and jurisprudence were, besides war, theonly paths to favor and renown’. 4 This effort to recover the vaterländisches Rechtgave birth to customary law constitutionalism in Central Europe. It subscribed to apotent historical doctrine, which held that <strong>German</strong> customs and traditions were theprescriptive source <strong>of</strong> <strong>German</strong> liberties, a belief that was bound up with liberal demandsfor political revision.The effort to recover the vaterländisches Recht also was marked by the widespreadmobilization <strong>of</strong> not only <strong>German</strong> jurists, but the ablest writers generally, andmost notably, historians. A critical indication <strong>of</strong> this mobilization was the rapid proliferation<strong>of</strong> new legal journals. This trend began in the 1820s and accelerated after1850 and with each phase <strong>of</strong> constitutional transformation. In these journals, <strong>German</strong>constitutionalism continued to flourish even during the reactionary years following1819, and, in them, scholars are <strong>of</strong>fered not only a rich source <strong>of</strong> <strong>German</strong> sociopoliticalthought, but also sociopolitical images <strong>of</strong> the national Gemeinwesen or commonwealththat liberals intended to bring about through constitutional transformation.At the same time, legal antiquarianism extended the mobilization into the realm <strong>of</strong>popular culture. It allowed for the reliance on sources well beyond the realm <strong>of</strong> formallaw and expanded the producers <strong>of</strong> the data for a system <strong>of</strong> law to include poets,folklorist, musicians and the like. The moral <strong>of</strong> every fairy tale came to be seen asan expression <strong>of</strong> prescriptive <strong>German</strong> liberties. If ordinary <strong>German</strong>s could not graspthe highly technical legal writing, they could know their prescriptive constitutionthrough alternative expressions <strong>of</strong> <strong>German</strong> customs. As a result <strong>of</strong> this mobilization,a national legal culture developed in <strong>German</strong>-speaking Europe well prior to formalunification in 1871.The Politics <strong>of</strong> Roman Legal HistoryPerhaps more than a deep political dissension, the division between Romanist and<strong>German</strong>ist in the historical school after 1815 reflected an apportionment between thetechnical and political elements <strong>of</strong> <strong>German</strong> jurisprudence. The study <strong>of</strong> Roman lawcontinued to flourish, but on the alternative historical and technical basis discussedthe in last chapter. ‘Roman law’ was seen ‘as a great teacher that would permit modernlawyers and legislators to aid the development <strong>of</strong> their own uniquely nationalistlegal systems’. 5 The purpose <strong>of</strong> the new Roman legal history was to lend support tothe efficacy <strong>of</strong> rationalizing <strong>German</strong> customary laws and a programme <strong>of</strong> constitutionaltransformation. Savigny’s comments mentioned in the closing paragraph<strong>of</strong> the last chapter are worth repeating here. After the collapse <strong>of</strong> the Roman Republic,‘more <strong>of</strong> old Rome had been preserved [in the law] than in any other branch <strong>of</strong>public affairs’. 6 ‘Consequently,’ he urged, ‘he who still possessed the feelings <strong>of</strong> aRoman must have found in the law the most congenial subject; and, thus, the noblestintellects must have been devoted to the study <strong>of</strong> jurisprudence.’ 7 Savigny made

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