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Making of a German Constitution : a Slow Revolution

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Undermining Absolutism • 133sat on the key legal codification commissions for the North <strong>German</strong> Confederationafter 1866 and the Reich after 1871, including Adolf Leonhardt, Rudolf Bennigsenand Gottlieb Planck, were hardened veteran politicos <strong>of</strong> the Hanover constitutionalconflicts <strong>of</strong> the 1850s. Indeed, liberal constitutionalism, which was in serious troublein Hanover in 1865, was given a new life after the founding <strong>of</strong> the North <strong>German</strong>Confederation in 1866.The <strong>German</strong>isten ConferencesThe <strong>German</strong>isten conferences <strong>of</strong> 1846 and 1847 have been mentioned in the literatureon <strong>German</strong> history. The most thorough treatment, however, remains R. HintonThomas’s study <strong>of</strong> 1951. 6 His work made these previously obscure conferencesvisible. However, Thomas wrote prior to the advance <strong>of</strong> social history, and it didnot take into consideration the economic crisis and social upheavals that hit CentralEurope in the 1840s. His approach was that <strong>of</strong> intellectual history, and, for this reason,the <strong>German</strong>isten conferences were considered in isolation from other events.Factoring in the economic and social crisis, however, helps to reveal the considerablepolitical opportunism that was at the heart <strong>of</strong> these conferences. It was no fluke <strong>of</strong>history that the <strong>German</strong>ists suddenly chose to hold a conference in these years.Crop failures in 1845 and the economic downturn that followed by 1847 producedwidespread hunger in the <strong>German</strong> lands. Both the 1844 weavers’ rising in Silesia andthe peasants’ revolt in Galacia <strong>of</strong> 1846 were ominous signs <strong>of</strong> human suffering, andliberals, including the ranks <strong>of</strong> the <strong>German</strong>ists, interpreted these events as an indicator<strong>of</strong> the failure <strong>of</strong> governments to feed their own people. By the time <strong>of</strong> the potatorevolution in Berlin <strong>of</strong> 1847, hunger mixed with general discontent regarding nobleprivileges, including judicial privileges, was a strong source <strong>of</strong> acrid discontent.While liberal transformationists could not have had a hand in the crop failures oreconomic downturn, the character <strong>of</strong> the demands expressed by discontented crowdswas not altogether spontaneous. In reality, it had been cultivated by the <strong>German</strong>ists,who after Jacob Grimm included anyone and any genre so long as they or it <strong>of</strong>fereddata to support the liberal sociopolitical agenda.Through a variety <strong>of</strong> modes <strong>of</strong> communication, the <strong>German</strong>ists had led the inclinations<strong>of</strong> the people toward constitutional transformation and encouraged anawareness <strong>of</strong> the inefficacy <strong>of</strong> the existing arrangements. At the popular level, theindictments against noble privileges had been spoon-fed to the young generation<strong>of</strong> 1848. They were born in the 1820s and were the first generation to be sent <strong>of</strong>f toslumber with their little heads filled with folk tales. Ordinary <strong>German</strong>s may not havebeen able to absorb the complexities <strong>of</strong> Eichhorn, Mittermaier, Grimm or Reyscher’ssystems, but they could identify with arbitrariness <strong>of</strong> Mother Gothel in the tale <strong>of</strong>Rapunzel or the jealous cruelty <strong>of</strong> the Queen in Snow White. Indeed, the Hausmärchendepicted noble women and others in authority as unnatural villains and thefeminine, increasingly, appeared as a metaphor for imbalance and disorder.

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