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Making of a German Constitution : a Slow Revolution

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Undermining Absolutism • 151The BGBS is worth examining in some detail for several reasons. First, in Saxony,a vibrant industrial economy centred at Leipzig existed alongside the most backwardpolitical conditions in Central Europe outside the Mecklenburgs. The combination <strong>of</strong>forces was a harbinger <strong>of</strong> what was to come in united <strong>German</strong>y as the century woreon. Second, and although the Code still reflected older norms, much <strong>of</strong> what liberalshad only imagined before 1863 became a living reality and there were tremendoussocial ramifications for private relationships in Saxony. Finally, the popular response<strong>of</strong> Saxonians to the BGBS foreshadowed what would happen at the national levelfollowing the introduction <strong>of</strong> the BGB.As I suggested earlier, civil law provided liberals an alternative avenue to installcitizenship and to secure the basic rights <strong>of</strong> citizens. The Allgemeiner Teil (GeneralPart), as Ahcin notes, was an expression <strong>of</strong> <strong>German</strong> customary law principles. 142This section secured the right to personality, defined the legal capacity <strong>of</strong> natural andjuristic persons and the rights <strong>of</strong> associations. 143 The second book on Sachenrecht(property rights) <strong>of</strong>fered the nineteenth century’s strongest statement on the right toprivate property and the rights <strong>of</strong> property owners. 144 Book three defined the right tocontract and obligations in commercial and service relationships. 145 Indeed, it evencontained a section that provided for bankruptcy law. 146 Amongst the most prominent<strong>of</strong> basic rights conferred on commoners, however, was the right to marry. TheBGBS’s marriage law <strong>of</strong>fers an example <strong>of</strong> how the regulation <strong>of</strong> seemingly benignprivate matters was in reality deeply political. The marriage law curbed noble privilegesin private matters and made liberal political and social theory a living reality. Itstruck at the social core <strong>of</strong> absolutism by redefining and restructuring the family intoone that fit liberal rather than monarchical constructions <strong>of</strong> society.Saxony’s nobles, as was the case in other parts <strong>of</strong> Central Europe, were notsubject to any comprehensive laws. Rather, family law came in the form <strong>of</strong> privateFamilienverträge (family agreements). At the same time, family law did not existfor commoners, but remained a privilege <strong>of</strong> the nobility, which reinforced theirright to property and power. In Saxony, Familienverträge gradually evolved fromcontracts that were written for all adult members <strong>of</strong> the noble family into documentsthat governed the entire family <strong>of</strong> cousins. ‘The competition <strong>of</strong> noble familieswith each other and with other social groups’, writes Josef Matzerath, ‘causedSaxony’s nobility to make great efforts to place feudal tenures in joint-property,to conclude inheritance associations, to adopt for themselves family regulations,to establish entailed estates and to close the entailed estates <strong>of</strong> families.’ 147 Althoughthey also regulated education, marriage, conduct and religion, the purpose<strong>of</strong> these agreements, in the first instance, was to secure that family property remainedwithin the family and within the nobility. This secured the consolidation<strong>of</strong> property and power.It was this old order that the Family and Guardianship Law <strong>of</strong> the BGBS beganto undermine in Saxony. Paragraph 1568 read: ‘Engagement is the contract through

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