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Making of a German Constitution : a Slow Revolution

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116 • The <strong>Making</strong> <strong>of</strong> a <strong>German</strong> <strong>Constitution</strong>und gebildete Bürger (1824) declared: ‘All rights <strong>of</strong> governance have the origin inthe whole body <strong>of</strong> the people (Gesamtkörper des Volkes) and the government [haspower] only through and for the people.’ 102 Karl Rotteck’s Lehrbuch des Vernunftrechts(1840) instructed that the difference between despotism and a republic wasthe ‘private will <strong>of</strong> the ruler, in contrast to the rule <strong>of</strong> the collective will <strong>of</strong> the community<strong>of</strong> the members <strong>of</strong> the state’. 103 He also urged that: ‘The aim <strong>of</strong> a republic isthe rule <strong>of</strong> the true totality <strong>of</strong> wills,’ and, ‘in so far as a constitution is crafted for therealization <strong>of</strong> this basic idea, it is republican and the State a true free State.’ 104In legal discourse, the making <strong>of</strong> this constitution involved not only a theoreticalreconstitution <strong>of</strong> the monarch into a civil servant, but the leveling <strong>of</strong> relationshipsby awarding rights to the bourgeois commonality. Jacob’s system, which followedhis lengthy legal philology, was divided into six books. Book 1, Stand, identified andtreated the five social groupings. In Book 2, Haushalt, Jacob examined family lawand all familial relationships. Books 3 and 4, Eigenthum and Gedinge, focused onrights <strong>of</strong> private property. In Book 5, Verbrechen, Jacob explored customary criminallaw amongst the ancient <strong>German</strong>s, and, finally, in Book 6, Gericht, he <strong>of</strong>fered a treatment<strong>of</strong> the customary basis <strong>of</strong> the courts and court procedures.Rechtsalterthümer began by identifying five social groupings amongst the ancient<strong>German</strong>s: rulers (Herrschende), the nobility (Der Edle), the free (Der Freie), slaves(Knechte) and foreigners (Der Fremde). The usage <strong>of</strong> the term Herrschende, ratherthan Könige, reflected his attempt to reconstitute monarchs as civil servants, and thisposed a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy <strong>of</strong> personal rule in Central Europe.In Jacob’s account, the spirit and constitution <strong>of</strong> the ancestors seemed to boldly objectto the existing political conditions: ‘Kings could choose dukes not only come fromthe nobility, but also from amongst the free people.’ 105 Moreover, ‘the king could behereditary or elected’. 106 Citing Wilken’s Handbuch der deutschen historie (1810),Grimm proclaimed: ‘After the time <strong>of</strong> the Frankish kings, Deutschland became aWahlreich and was no longer ruled by [Frankish] sons.’ 107 ‘The vote [for the ruler]took place in a common people’s assembly (allgemeiner volksversammlung)’, and‘since the time <strong>of</strong> Otto III, the <strong>German</strong> kaiser was elected on <strong>German</strong> soil in Frankfurtam Main’. 108 ‘Elections’, Grimm suggested, ‘were held only in the instances wherethe line became extinct or if the ruler was incompetent.’ 109 Here, Jacob cited amongstother sketchy sources, Beowulf on the Anglo-Saxons: ‘The Saegeâtas voted, after thefall <strong>of</strong> the young king, Beowulf to the throne.’ 110 The ‘incompetence ( Untüchtigkeit)<strong>of</strong> kings’, he wrote, meant ‘not only criminal conduct or absence from his administrativeduties’, but could also result from ‘losing wars (kriegsunglück) or starvation[amongst the people]’. 111 To support his finding, in a footnote, he <strong>of</strong>fered an excerptfrom Paulus’s seventeenth-century piece, Diaconus historia gentis Langobardorumbei Muratori scriptores I: ‘sed cum Adaloaldus eversa mente insaniret (insanity), deregno ejectus est (ejected from rule).’ 112 In this way, he created a prescriptive right toimpeachment, which clearly objected to existing conditions.

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