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Making of a German Constitution : a Slow Revolution

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82 • The <strong>Making</strong> <strong>of</strong> a <strong>German</strong> <strong>Constitution</strong>the first major attempt to do so since Leibniz. The System emphasized the ideals<strong>of</strong> rational law (Vernunftsrecht), and, here, Recht was both preceded and bound byobligation (Verbindlichkeit). Recht, accordingly, exists as coercive right (Zwangsrecht).170 Thibaut tried to rescue the law <strong>of</strong> reason and the eighteenth-century approachto enlightened lawmaking, an effort that was doomed by events.Within a few years after the publication <strong>of</strong> the System, the philosophical approachto lawmaking, which was already in decline following Kant and Herder, wascompletely discredited, in Central Europe, by the experience <strong>of</strong> the revolutionarywars. More than any other factor, the French legal imposition <strong>of</strong> les cinq codes contributedto the sharp decline <strong>of</strong> enlightened lawmaking or, in effect, philosophicalcodification. Its ill repute in the <strong>German</strong> states was sealed, because since Napoleonwas able to employ it for his despotic political ends, it could not be seen as a reliablesource <strong>of</strong> legal security. The imposition <strong>of</strong> the Code civil had undermined thebasis <strong>of</strong> <strong>German</strong> private rights, in large measure, by destroying <strong>German</strong> sovereigntyitself. The French legal imposition left no <strong>German</strong> untouched and was deeply resentedby ordinary <strong>German</strong>s and intellectuals alike. As Isabel Hull has shown forBaden, a major source <strong>of</strong> discontent had to do with the way the code’s family lawscontradicted its basic principles by energetically installing heinous discriminationagainst women and young persons. 171 Thibaut’s call for the speedy introduction <strong>of</strong>a philosophical law code, after the considerable legal upheaval that was the mostsalient feature <strong>of</strong> the French occupation and just as <strong>German</strong>s were, finally, riddingthemselves <strong>of</strong> Napoleon, legal imposition and all, probably failed because it was out<strong>of</strong> tune with the mood in Central Europe.Politics and Modern LegislationIn the aftermath <strong>of</strong> the French occupation, the sociopolitical challenges faced by<strong>German</strong> liberals were far more complicated than the task <strong>of</strong> doing away with unreformedabsolutism had been for French revolutionaries. On the one hand, reformersfaced the challenge not <strong>of</strong> undermining age-old absolutism, but <strong>of</strong> justifying therevision <strong>of</strong> the legal systems that sustained personal rule on a new and, purportedly,enlightened basis. On the other, the fact that ordinary <strong>German</strong>s were in no mood forany more mucking up <strong>of</strong> their treasured local autonomy and municipal laws wasalso a formidable obstacle. The French legal disruption was resented across CentralEurope, in Baden, Hamburg and the other Hansa cities and in Württemberg as well.When Hamburg’s constitution was restored, the Senate rejected even limited reformsand remained highly suspicious <strong>of</strong> even moderate reformers. 172 In 1813, when Hanseaticenvoys met in Frankfurt, they were also wary <strong>of</strong> ‘Prussian attempts to expandin a “French manner” across northern <strong>German</strong>y’. 173 Indeed, as James Brophy shows,the imposition <strong>of</strong> its enlightened law on communities in the Rhineland was one <strong>of</strong> themany factors that led to violent revolts. 174

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