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<strong>ARTICLES</strong><br />

Black Watch wounded came back with stories that made the assault appear to be “an absolute<br />

massacre.” 93 With every officer but one in B Squadron a casualty, Powell’s remaining tanks,<br />

along with the survivors of the Black Watch and Calgary Highlanders, pulled back to the<br />

northern part of St. Martin. 94 During their withdrawal, a final irony occurred when RAF<br />

Typhoons, mistaking the First Hussars’ tanks for German ones, knocked out one with rocket<br />

and cannon fire, leaving the survivors somewhat resentful about the day’s actions. 95<br />

It is quite clear that the attack up Verrières Ridge was a daunting feat to begin with, as Simonds’s<br />

command style, his time-dependent plan and his propensity to gamble came together to form<br />

the context into which the Black Watch and B Squadron were thrust on the morning of<br />

25 July 1944. 96 Seven decades later, it is understandable that the average frontline soldier, whose<br />

war in many cases was “fifty yards wide and fifty yards deep,” would not grasp the complexity<br />

of an operation such as SPRING—particularly when his focus on the day was the job at hand<br />

and, as the battle progressed, mere survival. In addition, after assessing the evidence there is<br />

no need to wonder where the armour was; rather, we should ask whether its inclusion would<br />

have made the difference between success and failure for the Black Watch.<br />

Some observers continue to believe it would have, while others disagree. The former opinion<br />

is centred on the fact that, a few days earlier, the Black Watch had successfully attacked the area<br />

near the village of Ifs with support from the Hussars and the Sherbrooke Fusiliers. 97 Yet on that<br />

day their opponents consisted of a mixture of rear guards and advanced outposts with limited<br />

anti-tank and armoured support, and low to non-existent morale. On 25 July, however, they<br />

tackled a prepared German Main Line of Resistance on ground that afforded the defenders<br />

excellent observation and superior fields of fire—particularly in broad daylight—backed up<br />

with a conservative estimate of roughly 100 panzers and an equal number of anti-tank guns<br />

either in reverse slope positions or on the heights west of the Orne river. 98 Having the<br />

B Squadron tanks move into May-sur-Orne as the Black Watch advanced up the open slopes<br />

was no guarantee of success either. In fact, as was later learned, elements of the 272nd Infantry<br />

Division, holding the southern portion of May-sur-Orne, exercised strict fire discipline and<br />

gave unseasoned troops the impression that the village was not held on a continuous basis<br />

when in fact it was. 99 Even if the tanks had managed to penetrate to the village’s eastern edge<br />

as planned, they would have met the brunt of a German panzer counterattack that was forming<br />

up south of the town. Any support that B Squadron could have offered the Black Watch would<br />

have been forfeited in an effort to fend off the counterthrust. Although they would undoubtedly<br />

have drawn some of the fire away from the Black Watch, the infantry would have been left<br />

without direct fire support just when it needed it the most, as the artillery dissipated on its<br />

descent into Fontenay. Equally, it is highly unlikely that Major Harris’s proposed rush to the<br />

gap between the ridge and May-sur-Orne would have been a success. With the Germans’<br />

defences strengthening on an hourly basis, coupled with their skilful use of the reverse slope,<br />

technological superiority in arms and armament, and a commanding view of the ridge from<br />

three sides, it is more than likely that B Squadron would have been engulfed in the same<br />

maelström and ultimately shared the same cruel fate as the Black Watch. 100<br />

WWW.ARMY.FORCES.GC.CA/CAJ 23

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