AFRICA AGRICULTURE STATUS REPORT 2016
AASR-report_2016-1
AASR-report_2016-1
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the AIS paradigm at policy and programmatic<br />
levels within countries is perhaps due to paucity<br />
of concrete evidence on the transformative<br />
advantages of one paradigm over the other.<br />
Moreover, reconfiguration of agricultural research<br />
systems has been sporadic and exogenously<br />
instigated, often lacking a sense of ownership,<br />
continuity and systematic contagion across<br />
countries. The whole process is not aided by the<br />
seeming lack of catalytic action—akin to the role<br />
that ISNAR played—by external agencies with<br />
a supranational mandate. As discussed in the<br />
next section, this is where FARA, sub-regional<br />
organizations(SROs), and RECs could play a<br />
value-adding role.<br />
Development of Institutions for AR4D<br />
The Asian Green Revolution relied heavily on<br />
technical support from the CGIAR (an international<br />
public good organization exemplified by the<br />
International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) based<br />
in Asia) to produce enhanced crop germplasm.<br />
As an interesting contrast, Brazil was inspired<br />
by international partners, but developed the local<br />
agricultural research system capacity for technical<br />
innovations that helped shape the agricultural<br />
transformation agenda (see Box 9.1). Within two<br />
decades, Brazilians used home-grown science<br />
and sheer will to dramatically transform traditional<br />
agriculture into a modern and strongly competitive<br />
enterprise (Akinbamijo & Ojijo, 2014). Due to<br />
the striking agro-ecological similarities between<br />
the South American Cerrado and the African<br />
Savanna, SSA countries need to bring home the<br />
Brazilian lessons in terms of strategic institutional<br />
development of research systems coupled with<br />
targeted investments in AR4D to promote food<br />
and nutrition security. In so doing, there would<br />
be need to adapt successful experiences, as the<br />
farming systems in Brazil and SSA may not be<br />
roundly comparable.<br />
In its role as the lead institution for Pillar 4—<br />
focusing on technology generation, dissemination,<br />
and adoption—in the first CAADP decade, FARA<br />
elaborated the Framework for Africa’s Agricultural<br />
Productivity (FAAP) to help advocate for: i)<br />
evolution and reform of agricultural institutions<br />
and services; ii) increasing the scale of Africa’s<br />
agricultural productivity investments; and iii)<br />
aligned and coordinated financial support (FARA,<br />
2006). FAAP outlined guiding principles for the<br />
evolution of Africa’s agricultural productivity<br />
Box 9.1: Embrapa - A Success Story<br />
The success of Brazilian agriculture hinges on the pull effects<br />
arising from a government-led industrialization process starting<br />
in the 1960s, giving rise to rapid urbanization, improvement<br />
in income of urban dwellers and higher demand for food.<br />
At the same time, lack of land for expansion (Brazil made a<br />
green choice not to encroach into the Amazonian forestlands,<br />
but rather reclaim the Cerrado), constrained production increase<br />
and the only recourse was science-based production<br />
intensification. Thus, there was imminent demand for agricultural<br />
research and consequent pressure at the macro level to<br />
reform public agricultural research agencies.<br />
These circumstances conspired to “midwife” the Brazilian Agricultural<br />
Research Corporation (Embrapa) in 1973, the singular<br />
agency at the center of the Brazilian agricultural modernization.<br />
As a successful institutional innovation, Embrapa<br />
has the following main characteristics: a semi-autonomous<br />
national corporation with spatially decentralized centers,<br />
specialized research units, strong human capital base, and<br />
unwavering vision of agriculture based on science and technology<br />
and results orientation.<br />
The main factors that contributed to the success of Embrapa<br />
include: prioritized budget support by the federal government<br />
as a result of sustained policy dialogue between Embrapa<br />
staff and budget decision makers; huge initial investments<br />
(over US$6 billion) in the training of human resources and<br />
development of research infrastructure; strong human capital<br />
base derived from a comprehensive human resources policy;<br />
short-term research goals, dissemination of existing results,<br />
and good public image (based on good relationship with the<br />
media); induced innovation based on farmer–researcher interactions<br />
(farmer–researcher interactions were promoted<br />
based on decentralization of Embrapa units to sub-national<br />
territories); transparency and public accountability (good media<br />
management and corporate communication); semi-autonomous<br />
status allowing for flexibility to administer resources<br />
and personnel, plan, assess performance, implement the<br />
budget, disseminate results and be transparent; non-political<br />
interference in the operations of Embrapa; and a policy of<br />
openness to national stakeholders and to the world.<br />
This encouraged strategic partnerships at home and abroad<br />
(with foreign universities, CGIAR, NARS) and creation of<br />
technology transfer (e.g., Embrapa-Ghana) and co-innovation<br />
units (Labex USA, Labex Europe and Labex Asia) in foreign<br />
countries.<br />
Adapted from Alves (2012).<br />
204 <strong>AFRICA</strong> <strong>AGRICULTURE</strong> <strong>STATUS</strong> <strong>REPORT</strong> <strong>2016</strong>