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lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” When he found out that California
Governor Jerry Brown was throwing his hat in the ring for a run at the presidency, a supporter
said that Carter “used expletives which I didn’t know he knew.” In the 1980 campaign,
Massachusetts Senator Ted Kennedy accused Carter of not being more specific on the issues, to
which Carter responded: “I don’t have to kiss his ass.”
During his acceptance speech, after winning the nomination at the Democratic National
Convention, Carter attacked the “unholy, self-perpetuating alliances (that) have been formed
between money and politics ... a political and economic elite who have shaped decisions and
never had to account for mistakes nor to suffer from injustice. When unemployment prevails,
they never stand in line for a job. When deprivations results from a confused welfare system,
they never do without food, or clothing or a place to sleep. When public schools are inferior or
torn by strife, their children go to exclusive private schools. And when bureaucracy is bloated
and confused, the powerful always manage to discover and occupy niches of special influence
and privilege.” Now the trap was set, and America fell for it, hook, line, and sinker.
After Carter beat Ford, Hamilton Jordan, his chief aide, said: “If, after the inauguration, you
find Cy Vance (former President of the Rockefeller Foundation) as Secretary of State and
Zbigniew Brzezinski as head of National Security, then I would say we have failed.” In an
interview with Playboy magazine, Jordan said he would quit if they were appointed. They were–
he didn’t.
Brzezinski had become Carter’s biggest influence. Henry Kissinger had called Brzezinski his
“distinguished presumptive successor.” It was Brzezinski who said: “The approaching twohundredth
anniversary of the Declaration of Independence could justify the call for a national
constitutional convention to re-examine the nation’s formal institutional framework. Either 1976
or 1989– the two-hundredth anniversary of the Constitution– could serve as a suitable target date
culminating a national dialogue on the relevance of existing arrangements...”
When James Earl Carter took the oath of office, he said that the “United States will help erect
... a world order.” This self-proclaimed “outsider” filled many of his administrative posts with
establishment insiders from the Rockefeller Foundation, the Brookings Institution, and Coca
Cola. Extracted from Coke, were George Ball, Clark Clifford, Samuel P. Huntingdon, Marshall
Shulman, Richard Gardner, Henry Owen, Robert Roosa, and J. Paul Austin. Because of the
extent to which he used the company when he was governor, he called the Coca-Cola company,
his “own State Department.”
The Trilateral Commission had accomplished its goal of controlling the Presidency, and it
heralded that fact by making Jimmy Carter Time magazine’s Man of the Year in January, 1977.
The Editor-in Chief for Time was Hedley Donovan, a Rhodes Scholar, and member of the
Commission.
Commission members must resign when they accept positions in the Executive branch, but
they remain loyal, and usually rejoin the group when their service is complete. About 40% of the
American Trilateral members joined the Carter Administration. In all, 291 members of the
Trilateral Commission and the Council on Foreign Relations joined the Administration. Among
the Carter Administration officials who have been members:
Jimmy Carter (President), Walter F. Mondale (Vice President), Cyrus Vance (Secretary
of State, nephew of John W. Davis, of the J. P. Morgan bank who was the first President
of the CFR), W. Michael Blumenthal (Secretary of Treasury), Harold Brown (Secretary
of Defense), Zbigniew Brzezinski (National Security Advisor), Andrew Young