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would fire upon U.S. citizens who refuse or resist confiscation of firearms banned by the U.S.
Government.”
After the news of this survey surfaced (in The Spotlight, and the November issue of
American Legion Magazine), it was later reported that it was part of a soldier’s Master Thesis at
the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California, and did not “reflect any government
program.” However, the February, 1994 issue of Modern Gun magazine reported that a similar
survey had been given to some Navy SEALS.
The Thesis, called Peacekeeping and UN Operational Control: A Study of Their Effect on
Unit Cohesion, had been classified, until March, 1995, when it was approved for public
dissemination. In response to the question about swearing allegiance to the UN, 208 Marines said
they could not do so (117 of those strongly disapproved), and 71 said they could (with 19 of
those strongly approving). And, in regard to the infamous question 46, of the 264 Marines who
responded, 185 said they would be opposed to firing at Americans (with 127 strongly opposing),
and 79 said they would be willing to shoot if ordered (with 23 strongly affirming). So, the
bottom line is, if ordered, one out of every four Marines would shoot American citizens.
What this survey revealed was that, for the most part, our military probably could not be
relied on to act as a cohesive force to fire upon the citizens of this country. However, with
increased indoctrination, that could change, but I don’t think there is time for that. Therefore, the
deck had to be stacked.
On November 11, 1990, President George Bush signed an Executive Order that authorized
the presence of UN Battle Groups in the U.S., and there are 15 reported to be here. Before
leaving office, in a major speech to the United Nations, Bush said that the United States would
permit UN troops to use various military bases for “training purposes,” and “multi-national field
exercises.”
The military staff of the UN Secretary-General had called for a “Rapid Response Peace
Force” of 60,000 soldiers, for instant deployment; a “Permanent Peace-Keeping Force” of
275,000 soldiers, for conflict control; and a “Standing Reserve Peace Force” of 500,000 soldiers
for UN duty wherever necessary. On March 16, 1993, Senate Joint Resolution No. 65 called for
the “establishment of a commission to study the creation of a standing international military
force under the United Nations Charter.” In 1993, Clinton issued Presidential Review Directive
(PRD) #13, supporting Boutros-Ghali’s (UN Secretary-General) proposal for a UN military
force, substantially made up of Americans. However, Gen. Colin Powell, Commander of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff insisted on a codicil that said, if any U.S. commander believed his orders
violated the U.S. Constitution, or placed our country or military forces at risk, the orders could
be disregarded. On May 3, 1994, Clinton signed the Presidential Review Directive #25, which
put U.S. military commanders under the authority of the UN during UN military operations, and
instructed the Department of Defense to establish a U.S. military organizational structure which
included the United Nations. It was PRD #13 without the Powell codicil.
On June 24, 1994, the National Guard Bureau, an agency of the Department of Defense
(which coordinates all the state National Guard units), developed the “National Guard State
Partnerships with the Russian Federation” which enabled troops from 14 of the newly formed
Russian Federation (as well as other countries in east and central Europe), to train in this country
with the National Guard units of some states. According to Clinton’s “Bridge to America”
proposal, the purpose of these partnerships was to “assist the participating nations’ transition to
democratic military institutions with peacetime utility in providing military support of civilian
authorities...” Troops who were attached to the Russian Interior Ministry were seen training with