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Muslim Saints of South Asia: The eleventh to ... - blog blog blog

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THE HERMIT OF LAHORE<br />

a ‘golden age’. In turn, for the Sufis inhabiting the empire <strong>of</strong> the Great<br />

Mughals, the ‘golden age’ was much more prolonged, because it<br />

even included the epoch <strong>of</strong> al-Hujwiri and several centuries <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Delhi Sultanate. This fluctuating image <strong>of</strong> the ‘golden age’, the image<br />

<strong>of</strong> the bygone glory, reaches its apogee in the second half <strong>of</strong> the last<br />

century, when the entire preceding his<strong>to</strong>ry <strong>of</strong> Islam in India is painted<br />

in idealized nostalgic colours and gives a powerful impulse <strong>to</strong> the<br />

development <strong>of</strong> <strong>Muslim</strong> revivalism.<br />

Al-Hujwiri’s au<strong>to</strong>biography convinces the reader that his impression<br />

<strong>of</strong> the impoverishment <strong>of</strong> Sufism was characterized more by<br />

conventionality rather than by objectivity. And indeed where does the<br />

question <strong>of</strong> impoverishment arise, if in Khurasan alone he met three<br />

hundred shaikhs ‘who had such mystical endowments that a single<br />

man <strong>of</strong> them would have been enough for the whole world. This is<br />

due <strong>to</strong> the fact that the sun <strong>of</strong> love and the fortune <strong>of</strong> the Sufi Path is<br />

in the ascendant in Khurasan’ (al-Hujwiri 1992: 174).<br />

<strong>The</strong> author <strong>of</strong> Kashf al-mah˛jūb indefatigably moves from place<br />

<strong>to</strong> place throughout the <strong>Muslim</strong> world, in which the shaikhs and<br />

dervishes have already assimilated each nook and corner. In the<br />

bustling <strong>to</strong>wns <strong>of</strong> Iraq and Syria, in the almost inaccessible mountain<br />

villages <strong>of</strong> Jabal al-Buttam and Bait al-Jinn, in the steppes <strong>of</strong><br />

Turkistan and on the shores <strong>of</strong> the Caspian, everywhere he meets<br />

other members <strong>of</strong> his fraternity, at times celebrated, now and then<br />

nameless, but equal masters <strong>of</strong> the much trumpeted ars moriendi,<br />

which, for sure, did not seem <strong>to</strong> be as ‘melancholic’ <strong>to</strong> them as it did<br />

<strong>to</strong> Hermann Hesse.<br />

<strong>The</strong> reasons which brought al-Hujwiri <strong>to</strong> Lahore (which he calls<br />

Lahawur 13 ) are not known <strong>to</strong> us. We only know the main circumstances<br />

which compelled him <strong>to</strong> settle down there. In his book the<br />

author drops a hint that he found himself in Lahore not on his own<br />

accord: ‘I could not possibly set down more than this, my books<br />

having been left at Ghazna 14 – may God guard it! – while I myself had<br />

become a captive among uncongenial folk (darmiyān-i nā-jinsān<br />

giriftār mānde) in the district <strong>of</strong> Lahawur, which is a dependency <strong>of</strong><br />

Multan’ (al-Hujwiri 1926: 21). On the other hand why should a<br />

native <strong>of</strong> Ghazna not try his luck in such a <strong>to</strong>wn, which in 1031<br />

became the capital <strong>of</strong> the empire <strong>of</strong> the Ghaznavides? Sultan Mahmud<br />

Ghaznavi (died 1030), who had annexed Lahore <strong>to</strong> his own empire,<br />

never lived in it and was not at all interested in this godforsaken small<br />

<strong>to</strong>wn in Punjab. He entrusted its government <strong>to</strong> his favourite Malik<br />

Ayaz, who, as the local tradition says, erected the rampart around<br />

the city in just one night. During the reign <strong>of</strong> Mahmud’s descendants,<br />

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