22.05.2013 Views

bain_y_howells__monetary_economics__policy_and_its_theoretical_basis

bain_y_howells__monetary_economics__policy_and_its_theoretical_basis

bain_y_howells__monetary_economics__policy_and_its_theoretical_basis

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

THE OPEN ECONOMY AND MONETARY POLICY 301<br />

<strong>policy</strong> through membership of a fixed exchange rate regime as long as the<br />

exchange rate parity is <strong>its</strong>elf credible.<br />

The second issue relates to the temptation felt by governments to renege<br />

on their agreements with other governments. The issue hardly arises in the<br />

Hamada two-country model since an attempt by one country to improve <strong>its</strong><br />

position by reneging on the agreement will be met by a withdrawal of the<br />

other country from the agreement — both countries move back to the original<br />

sub-optimal non-cooperative equilibrium <strong>and</strong> are worse off. The threat<br />

of such action prevents either country from reneging. However, with more<br />

than two participants, the question of the credibility of threats becomes relevant.<br />

Where the incentive to renege on agreements cannot be removed by<br />

credible threats to retaliate, <strong>policy</strong> coordination cannot be sustained.<br />

There are two ways out of this dilemma. The first is to concentrate on<br />

the notion of reputation. Governments may adopt a longer term view of<br />

coordination than is implied by the one-off bargains that dominate the world<br />

of <strong>policy</strong> models. Consequently, they may be willing to forgo potential<br />

short-term gains available from reneging on agreements in order to make<br />

future bargains possible. Yet again, the loss of reputation in the field of<br />

macroeconomic <strong>policy</strong> coordination might be thought likely to affect a<br />

country’s st<strong>and</strong>ing in other international negotiations. This is an example of<br />

the problems involved in analysing macroeconomic <strong>policy</strong> in isolation. It is<br />

clear that the outcomes of G7 economic summ<strong>its</strong> have been influenced by<br />

much more than narrow macroeconomic considerations.<br />

The second way out is to develop arguments in favour of rule-based<br />

rather than discretionary <strong>policy</strong> coordination. The acceptance of rules<br />

means that all governments are pre-committed to agreed polices, removing<br />

the dangers apparent in cases where some parties are effectively pre-committed<br />

but others are not.<br />

A considerable number of empirical studies have been undertaken.<br />

These have produced mixed results regarding the benef<strong>its</strong> from macroeconomic<br />

<strong>policy</strong> coordination. On balance, where studies have shown gains<br />

from coordination, they have tended to be rather small, although the gains<br />

appear to increase with the persistence of disturbances that lead to coordination.<br />

They also appear to increase over time. In the long run, gains from<br />

cooperation in the face of permanent supply or dem<strong>and</strong> shocks may be very<br />

considerable. Such studies are of some interest in themselves but the ability<br />

of researchers to vary the results by making relatively small changes in<br />

their models means that they can, at best, provide only luke-warm support<br />

for <strong>policy</strong> coordination.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!