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bain_y_howells__monetary_economics__policy_and_its_theoretical_basis

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a way round it, <strong>and</strong> the authorities who revised the rule to block the loophole<br />

<strong>and</strong> so on. However the <strong>monetary</strong> aggregates were to be restrained, direct, or<br />

non-market, controls should play no part.<br />

To reinforce the <strong>theoretical</strong> shift, there was also a partial change in the<br />

institutional constraints. As we saw in Equation 3.18, the money supply will<br />

change when the central bank uses exchanges between domestic currency <strong>and</strong><br />

foreign assets as it is obliged to in a fixed exchange rate regime. This can<br />

severely hamper any attempt to target the domestic money supply <strong>and</strong> is one<br />

widely recognised source of money supply endogeneity. By 1970, however,<br />

the Bretton Woods fixed exchange rate system had begun to unravel <strong>and</strong> powerful<br />

claims were being made for floating exchange rates. In future, <strong>monetary</strong><br />

authorities would have more freedom to target the domestic money stock.<br />

1971-79: ‘Competition <strong>and</strong> Credit Control’<br />

THE EVOLUTION OF MONETARY POLICY IN THE UK 317<br />

By the end of the 1960s the authorities were becoming increasingly concerned<br />

at the effect of the accumulation of controls on the structure <strong>and</strong> in particular<br />

the competitiveness of the banking system. The objections to the battery of<br />

‘requests’, ‘guidelines’, ‘ceilings’ <strong>and</strong> other forms of direct control were set<br />

out by the Governor of the Bank of Engl<strong>and</strong> in 1971 (Bank 1971a). The objections<br />

were those which routinely apply to all non-price methods of rationing:<br />

they encourage inefficiency, inequity <strong>and</strong> evasion.<br />

Inefficiency arose, it was alleged, by diverting funds (priced below the<br />

market clearing level) into projects (typically in exports <strong>and</strong> manufacturing)<br />

which were favoured by government <strong>policy</strong> but whose return was less than<br />

that on other projects (often connected with property development or consumer<br />

goods). Inequities arose at many points. For example, the regulations<br />

discriminated against those institutions to which they applied, in favour of<br />

those to which they did not. Typically the burden of control fell most heavily<br />

upon the clearing banks to the benefit of existing non-bank financial intermediaries<br />

<strong>and</strong> of newly created secondary banks whose characteristics were<br />

designed to keep them just outside the reach of the controls.<br />

The growth of new markets <strong>and</strong> institutions exempt from the controls<br />

yields a wealth of examples of regulation-induced innovation. 5 More importantly<br />

here it was a demonstration of the classic black market effect of nonprice<br />

regulation. As soon as controls frustrate both sides of the market (banks<br />

<strong>and</strong> their clients) they create a market incentive for evasion. This in turn<br />

requires new regulation, <strong>and</strong> expenditure upon the resources required for<br />

enforcement. Furthermore, it also distorts the meaning of existing indicators<br />

<strong>and</strong> deprives the authorities of valuable information. It was this experience of<br />

seeing controls imposed at one point countered by circumventory innovations

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